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ITBP staffer’s wife gang-raped, six booked

Yamunanagar, August 11

The police have booked six persons for allegedly raping a woman in a village here.In a complaint to the police, the victim stated that her husband was working with the Indo-Tibetan Border Police (ITBP) in Panchkula. On August 5, he went to Delhi for Independence Day duty.She alleged that Majid, Kasim, Najir, Kala and two more persons forcibly entered her house late in the night on August 5 and gang-raped her. They threatened her with dire consequences if she narrated the incident to anyone.She alleged that the accused came to her house the next day also and asked her to go with them. When she refused to go with them, one of them pointed a revolver at her and they took her on a motorcycle to an unknown place and gang-raped her in a hut there, she alleged. She said that one of the accused had left her near her house after committing the crime.The victim said that when she told her husband about the incident, he asked her to lodge an FIR against the accused. A case was registered against six persons under Sections 452, 376-D and 506 of IPC and the Arms Act at Bilaspur police station on Saturday. — TNS


Exercise Pitch Black: Garud commandos make maiden jump from IAF`s C-130

Exercise Pitch Black: Garud commandos make maiden jump from IAF's C-130

Garud commandos showcase their will and determination in Australia`s Darwin.

The sky is no limit for Indian Air Force’s Garud Commando Force and the bravehearts on Monday showed yet again what it takes to be an elite unit. Several Garud commandos made their maiden jump off IAF’s C-130 J aircraft as part of Exercise Pitch Black currently underway in Australia’s Darwin.

As part of the exercise, the Garud commandos jumped off the transport aircraft one after another in a daredevil sequence which showcased their skills and determination.

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MoD bars ‘local designations’ in armed forces

Tribune News Service

New Delhi, August 3

The Ministry of Defence, in a terse order, has barred the use of “local designations” being used in the armed forces and the civilian staff from July 30.The order is to sort out the long-festering “rank parity” issue between the forces and the civilian staff – called the armed forces headquarters (AFHQ). The forces have been saying that the AFHQ cadre has assumed designations to place themselves on a par with higher ranks of the forces.A letter in this regard says the AFHQ-Civil services officers in the “grade” of Director and Joint Director shall use cadre designations of same ranks. In case of the forces, a separate set of instructions has been issued as to what could be the names of the posts when officers are posted to the headquarters. These are for Brigadier, Colonel, Lieutenant Colonel and Major.Defence Minister Nirmala Sitharaman issued a letter on January 4 withdrawing “local designations” assigned to the armed forces and civilian officers. The forces and the civil staff had agreed to revert to original designations on July 30. Besides, there has been another flare-up for the nomenclature of the posts to be held by Major General-rank officers.


Army officer accuses his unit of custodial killings, extortion in Manipur

Army officer accuses his unit of custodial killings, extortion in Manipur

A Lieutenant Colonel of the Indian army, Dharamvir Singh has alleged that his unit was behind fake encounters of innocent civilians and extortion in north-eastern state of Manipur, a media report said on Tuesday.

Lt Colonel Singh’s wife has moved to the Manipur High Court claiming that her husband was wrongly detained by army soldiers on July 1 morning and was kept under house arrest till the court ordered his release, ANI reported.

“Ranju Singh on July 20 had submitted an affidavit with the court on behalf of her husband highlighting possible reasons behind latter’s arrest,” said the report.

The affidavit accused few army officers of demanding extortion money and carrying out fake encounter of innocent individuals in the north-eastern state of Manipur.

Fearing that the Army officials will continue to harass her husband and family, Ranju mentioned in the affidavit that Lieutenant Colonel Dharamvir Singh in the year 2016 had complained about wrongdoings of some officers.

The affidavit accused few army officers of demanding extortion money and carrying out fake encounter of innocent individuals in the north-eastern state of Manipur.

Following the complaint, some senior officers turned vindictive and began to harass Lieutenant Colonel Singh, said the affidavit.

Owing to pressure mounted on Lt. Col. Singh, he, later on, withdrew the complaint on the assurance that action will be taken against the perpetrators.

Notably, Lt. Col. Singh was serving as officer commanding, 3 CISU at M Sector, Imphal when he was allegedly arrested.

“He was taken away by the officials in front of me. We don’t know why he was arrested and where he has been taken. I don’t know anybody over here. Nobody was ready to help me, at last, I sought the court’s help in this matter. My husband has done nothing, he is innocent,” Ranju told ANI.

The affidavit mentions three alleged fake encounters and an extortion case by one unit and one particular team of the CISU.

The affidavit further divulges about the extortion and fake encounter killings of Manipur boys, Phijam Naobi, R.K. Ranel and Th Prem who were picked up from Dimapur in Nagaland and allegedly killed after being tortured.

Their dead bodies were found in Lakhijan area under Bokajan police station in Karbi Anglong district of Assam on March 12, 2010.

It also mentions the custodial killing of PLA leader Gypsy and her friend who were picked up from a rented accommodation near SM College in Dimapur.


The address is now legal Punjab Cabinet’s yes to regularisation of colonies

The address is now legal

PUNJAB has, once more, come clean and clear on its regularisation policy, with its Cabinet approving the Regularisation of Unauthorised Colony Bill. The contours of the pro-people policy are well defined, having taken into account the concerns of all stakeholders. The draft of the policy came with its own squeeze: property developers dismissed the policy notified in April as impractical, cumbersome and unrealistic, while Local Bodies Minister Navjot Singh Sidhu declared it was ‘pro-coloniser’ and crammed with flaws that would ‘kill planned urban development for next 25 years’.The Group of Ministers did well to take cognizance of the real fears on high licence fee, external development charges and composition fee; and incorporating suggestions forwarded by Navjot Sidhu, including those on road width and resident welfare associations. Under the reworked policy, plot holders applying for regularisation will have to ensure registration within the stipulated three months, while the developer must get 50 per cent plots registered within a year of filing an application. Otherwise, an additional 20 per cent cost would have to be braved. There is also a clause on the abeyance of FIRs against illegal developers if they deposit the mandatory charges. The regularisation charges will be used for providing basic infrastructure to colonies. The SAD-BJP alliance had introduced three such policies. A forklift overhaul was needed, but the short-term seductive narrative was a partial success. Punjab’s official figure of its illegal colonies is 7,000, some located outside the MC limits. Despite the numerous challenges that come with illegal colonies, the problem deserved sympathetic handling. Demolishing lakhs and lakhs of houses, rendering scores of people homeless, was well-nigh unthinkable. But again, the government can’t abdicate its own responsibility to provide affordable, clean living to its citizenry. Its development wings must keep coming up with planned colonies. The newest policy may claim to be sui generis if it can assure that at its non-negotiable core is the welfare of the buyer, struggling to find a decent place, with very basic amenities, she can call home.


Parents of young Pune officer onboard missing AN-32: We are not satisfied with answers given by IAF

Flt Lt Kunal (27), whose family is from Nigdi in Pimpri Chinchwad area, was a navigating officer with the 33 Squadron of the IAF, which is a transport squadron under the Southern Air Command and is located at Air Force Station Sulur in Tamil Nadu.

It is two years since the AN-32 transport aircraft of the Indian Air Force (IAF), which was on a weekly flight from Chennai to Port Blair with 29 onboard, went missing on the morning of July 22. But for Rajendra Barpatte and Vidya, whose son, Flight Lieutenant Kunal, was the flight navigator on the plane, several questions remain unanswered as they seek closure.

Flt Lt Kunal (27), whose family is from Nigdi in Pimpri Chinchwad area, was a navigating officer with the 33 Squadron of the IAF, which is a transport squadron under the Southern Air Command and is located at Air Force Station Sulur in Tamil Nadu. There were 29 people onboard the AN-32, including the crew members. A massive search was conducted in the Bay of Bengal by the Air Force, Navy and the Coast Guard following the incident.

What had come as a shock for the Barpatte family was a letter they received from the office of Assistant Vice Chief of the IAF on August 26, 2016, seeking their consent for presumption of demise of their son. The Barpatte couple along with the kin of six IAF officers on the plane had refused to sign the letter. On September 15 that year, the IAF declared all the 29 persons onboard were presumed dead. IAF officials had clarified that the letter was an administrative procedure and the search will continue.

Flt Lt Kunal’s father, a retired scientist from the Central Institute of Road Transport, said, “In the months after the incident we had asked several questions to the IAF. Those questions were: what exactly happened to the aircraft, its overall condition, delay in starting the rescue operation despite the fact that authorities had received clear radar signals, failure of the Emergency Locater Beacon and many more things. The answers were given by the IAF after several months after we wrote to them repeatedly and the answers were all stereotypical and bureaucratic. We are not at all satisfied by these answers. We even received a mail asking if we were satisfied by the answers, as if they wanted to ask if we will stop asking. But I will soon be writing to them with my counter-queries.”

He added, “We fear that something like this will happen again as there are over 100 AN-32s in operation. The then Air Chief has said that upgrade of 40 out of the 100 aircraft was done in Ukraine from 2011 onwards. The remaining aircraft are being upgraded in India. As the lost aircraft was upgraded in India, we need to ask questions about those remaining aircraft which have been upgraded here. Does the IAF have any time-bound plan to replace the aging AN 32 fleet, which they keep calling their workhorse? How many precious lives are going to be lost before the authorities take any steps?”

The Barpattes have one more grievance. “Flt Lt Kunal had taken a housing loan from the State Bank of India, which was disbursed and we had even purchased the flat. After his death, we had requested the bank if we could be given some concession on the loan repayment like if the interest could be waived off. We are not asking for the entire loan to be waived off. But the bank has refused to do so. It is disheartening to get that reply. Both my wife and I are now retired. This is yet another battle that we are fighting,” he said.


Self-sufficiency before theatre commands by Air Marshal Narayan Menon (retd)

That theatre command is the way forward is a given. But we need to tread cautiously till our military-industrial complex becomes more self-sufficient and our dependence on foreign weapon imports is reduced.

Self-sufficiency before theatre commands

Air Marshal Narayan Menon (retd)THERE have been media reports about the Indian military reorganising itself into integrated ‘theatre commands’ as opposed to the current system of ‘individual service regional commands’. The trigger for this proposed change could be the Chinese military creating five theatre commands, replacing the earlier seven ‘military regions’ in 2016 as part of the military reform that began in 2015.The USA was the first nation to adopt the theatre command concept as part of a policy that encompassed the entire globe. These ‘unified combat commands’ are organised either on geographical basis with a defined mission in a specific ‘area of responsibility’ somewhere on the globe or on a ‘functional’ basis. The USA has six geographical combat commands and four functional commands comprising cyber command, special operations command, strategic command and transportation command. Each combat command is fully equipped with necessary resources of land forces, air assets, naval vessels and Marine Corps elements. They have integral C4ISR (command, control, communications, computers, intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance) capabilities and can seek assistance from any of the functional commands when required. They can conduct military operations independently. Each combat command has one commander – he or she could be from any service – who reports directly to the President of the USA through the Defence Secretary.China has successfully pursued a long-term comprehensive transformation of its military forces to improve its capabilities in power projection, anti-access and area denial. China has laid down a time-bound three-step developmental strategy in modernising its national defence:1. Lay a solid foundation by 2010.2. Make major progress by 2020.3. Achieve strategic goal of building ‘informatised’ (net-centric warfare enabled) armed forces capable of winning wars by 2050. The change to theatre commands is part of this long-term policy. But why did China wait till 2016 to enact this change? Analysis would reveal that China waited till its military arsenal and defence production capability reached self-sufficiency. China is not dependent on any other country for its military requirement. In fact, it is exporting high-end military products to many Asian and African nations. The General Secretary of the Communist Party of China exercises complete control over the Chinese military through the Central Military Commission of the CPC.Some similarities need to be noted between the USA and China. The USA spends $620 billion (3.5 per cent of its GDP) on the military while China’s military expenditure is $220 billion (2.3 per cent of its GDP). The actual figures for China are thought to be higher, with military expenditure being hidden under different civilian heads.India is in a completely different and subordinate class. India spends only  about $ 60 billion on defence, which is less than 2 per cent of its GDP. Our military has shortages in personnel, equipment and firepower. The Army needs artillery guns and reliable rifles for its infantry. The Navy requires more submarines as replacements for its ageing fleet. The IAF is woefully short of fighter aircraft. We should have at least 45 frontline squadrons, but the current strength is around 30 squadrons. War waging reserves (WWR) are running low and we need more aircrew.Despite its best efforts, the DRDO has been unable to meet weapon requirements of the Indian military. We import 75 per cent of our war weaponry and energy needs. And in the current environment of threatened sanctions, inflow of weaponry and energy seems uncertain. Our military chain of command is fuzzy. The President who is the Supreme Commander has only ceremonial functions. Civilians without domain knowledge rule the roost and the military has to accept decisions in a process in which they are denied a voice.It is into this somewhat confusing scenario that we want to experiment by introducing a new concept of theatre command. By itself, the concept of India as a single theatre with one theatre commander is good.  That theatre command is the way forward is a given, but we have to be careful. Till our military industrial complex is more self-sufficient and our dependence on foreign weapon imports is drastically reduced, we have to tread cautiously.But a beginning can be made. Space, cyber and C4ISR could be the functional commands where the three services are integrated. The Integrated Defence Staff should be the focal point for threat assessment, budget allocation and procurement. With the experience gained and when the situation is more favourable, India could move to form theatre commands.A major advantage of air power is its flexibility to relocate to meet emergent threats. If theatre commands are created within the existing scenario, this advantage would be sharply reduced. A force, already short of platforms, would have to be parceled out among the theatres and bureaucratic wrangles are likely to delay inter-theatre moves with detrimental effects on employment of air power. The priority for the Indian military today is to make up its deficiencies and eliminate its weaknesses within the existing structure. Military-civil decision-making needs to be refined. Without such corrections, structural changes, like creating theatre commands, would be counter-productive negatively affecting our national interests.

The debate, and vote, they trust by Ujjwal K Chowdhury

The no-confidence motion is part of strategic preparations for upcoming elections

The debate, and vote, they trust

As one: How the vote goes will be the next visible indicator of a ‘united’ Opposition front.

Ujjwal K Chowdhury

AROUND 12 Opposition parties held a meeting on July 16, where they agreed to collectively bring a vote of no-confidence against the Modi government in the ongoing Monsoon Session. The motion, brought on Tuesday and accepted on Wednesday, shall go for vote on Friday, as noted by Lok Sabha Speaker Sumitra Mahajan. The Opposition parties are demanding grant of special status to Andhra Pradesh, apart from raising the failures of the government on issues such as lynching, atrocities against women and Dalits, dilution of laws meant for SCs, attempts to abolish the reservation policy, the falling rupee, unemployment, farmerr’ distress, alleged tampering of EVMs, the J&K situation and foreign policy.Apart from the Congress, the most vocal among all parties to bring forth the motion has been the Telugu Desam Party, which tried to bring this in the last Lok Sabha session as well. As a former NDA ally, the TDP is well aware that barring any major twist over the next few days, the motion is unlikely to endanger the Modi government. And yet, it is celebrating the acceptance of the motion by the Speaker as a success. Kesineni Srinivas, the TDP parliamentarian who moved the motion, said the trust vote was less about testing the strength of the BJP government and more about its failures.In India, a motion of no confidence can be introduced only in the Lok Sabha. It is admitted for discussion if a minimum of 50 members of the House support it. If the motion carries, the House debates and votes on it. If a majority of members vote in its favour, the motion is passed and the government is bound to vacate the office. Acharya Kripalani moved the first-ever such motion on the floor of the Lok Sabha in 1963, immediately after the disastrous India-China War. As of July 2018, 26 no-confidence motions have been moved. PM Indira Gandhi faced the most number of no-trust motions, 15, followed by Lal Bahadur Shastri and Narasimha Rao (thrice each), Morarji Desai (twice) and Nehru, Rajiv Gandhi, Vajpayee, and now Modi (one each). All motions have been defeated except when Morarji Desai resigned during the discussions on in 1979. With the anti-defection law, the vote of no-confidence has no relevance. If an absolute majority party issues a whip to party members to vote in favour of the government, it is impossible to remove the government. In the present case, if the Opposition can prove its majority in the House, the Modi government will fall. However, the government expects to get the support of at least 314 MPs in the Lok Sabha, which has an effective strength of 535 members. The government needs the vote of only 268 members to defeat the motion. So, NDA’s win is guaranteed.Even if all BJP members, minus all allies, vote against the motion, which they are now bound to by dint of the anti-defection law and whip of the ruling party, the government will survive.But the motion will give a clear picture about the position of disgruntled NDA allies, like the Shiv Sena and to an extent, JD (U). It will also give the position of parties like BJD and Telengana Rashtra Samiti, who have largely maintained a middle path between NDA and the Opposition. Both the Congress and the BJP need to know the positions of these parties during the debate, and the final voting, to strategise on alliances for the ensuing Lok Sabha polls, as both need an alliance to make the winning cut. The Congress desperately needs to stitch a united opposition front to combat the war chest and election machinery, including the BJP’s cyber army. An opposition alliance is not just political, it is also a social alliance as each regional party brings with it a few specific castes or linguistic groups. The no-confidence motion debate, issues raised and the voting will give cue to the scope and size of this alliance, without which no single party can stand the current enormity of the BJP ruling India and 20 other states. The TDP tried bringing in the motion in the last session. Telangana was carved out of erstwhile Andhra Pradesh, also on the promise of a special status to the truncated state and a generous fund to help build its capital city Amravati, and compensate the loss of revenue from the commercially thriving erstwhile capital city of Hyderabad, which has gone to Telangana. The Modi government has not fulfilled this promise, and it is being perceived as a failure of Chandrababu Naidu within his electorate. To ameliorate his electoral fortunes, the TDP supremo has a strong rationale to up the ante against the Modi government. A former minister of the Vajpayee government and rebel BJP leader, Yashwant Sinha had launched a new political outfit, National Forum, in early 2018 to expose the crime and corruption in the Modi government. Distressed politicians from the BJP (including Shatrughan Sinha) as well as opposition parties had sent their senior emissaries to be its members. Although positioned as a non-political group, it noted that it would campaign against the Modi government. The forum had organised several meets of Opposition leaders and paved the way of a united opposition force evolving today.The BJP failed to win in Karnataka in the last Assembly polls, in spite of being the largest party, while the second largest party Congress (but with a greater vote share than BJP) came around to support the JD (S) to form the government. The JD (S)-Congress government was ushered in with a lot of fanfare and in the presence of Opposition leaders of 16 parties. This was the second major development in increasing the index of Opposition unity.The coming together of Samajwadi Party, Bahujan Samaj Party and Rashtriya Lok Dal in Uttar Pradesh, ensuring the victory of the joint opposition candidates in Phulpur, Gorakhpur and Kairana byelections for the Lok Sabha, was the third major landmark in this rising index.Now, the Opposition wants to make the closing of arms by all Opposition parties (may be with support from some fence-sitters and perhaps at least one of the NDA allies) during the no-confidence motion debate and voting as the next and most visible landmark before a formally constituted united Opposition front takes shape. This is irrespective of the motion results. The Opposition wants to use the opportunity to highlight before the nation the failure of the government to fulfil its promises. Academic, media studies

The no-confidence motion

Going beyond the numbers game

Congress leader Sonia Gandhi could be badly off the mark for the second time in her political life on the numbers game in the Lok Sabha. Once in 1999, she had the self-assurance to claim the support of 272 members without undergoing the formal obligation of seeking support from potential allies. But not a single “migratory bird” flew to the Congress camp and Vajpayee’s deft handling of the Kargil conflict allowed him to consolidate political capital to shut the door on a Congress government for the next five years. This time, the numbers certainly do not favour the Opposition nor will they swell drastically to cause a missed beat in the BJP camp. This motion will bring the same limited advantages as the ones brought by an emasculated Opposition during the Congress’ heyday.The BJP is not resting on the oars of its comfortable majority. Like every major contestation since 2014, PM Modi and Amit Shah have injected an edge in this one too. That may be a blessing: the BJP’s scrounging for votes should expose the Potemkin opposition — like the meek submission of the Shiv Sena after an Amit Shah phone call — or call the bluff of the rebels-in-the-making such as Union minister Upendra Kushwaha. It is also the time when the Yashwant Sinhas and Kirti Azads need to give up their dual lives. Similarly, the positions taken on the vote will enlighten Congress and its dozen partners about the preferred line-up of the AIADMK, TRS, BJD and others for the 2019 elections.The excitement will be confined to the margin of victory. But the BJP needs to be circumspect about the subterranean signalling from the Opposition’s attempts to paint a sorry picture about its handling of cow-related lynchings, the bleak foreign affairs record and atrocities against women and Dalits. In 2003, the false confidence from Vajpayee government’s unchallenged clearance of the no-confidence motion brought about its Waterloo a year later. Modi may vault higher but must avoid the hubris of superciliousness, for there is much in India that needs fixing and arrogance is currently the only chink in the BJP’s armour.

Veteran Col Atamjit Singh comes to Rescue of debt ridden twin daughters of Army officers

photo (4)

A large and Kind hearted veterans

Veterans Col Atamjit Singh* of 7 CAV

 

Financial assistance poured IN for debit ridden daughter of an Army officer.
Betrayed by their biological Father  at tender age ,col Jasdev of ASC corps.
Col Charanjit Singh ,Gen Secy received a cheque of Rs 25000/- from *Veterans Col Atamjit Singh* of 7 CAV for the noble cause .

Untitled

We are greatful to him from the core of our heart to come forward for a noble cause.
A advocate Malkait  Singh has agreed to fight legal battle for the legitimate rights of the girls free of cost and will fight case at Patiala being from Chandigarh.
Efforts of the Gen Secy ,Sanjha Morcha have started pying for the noble cause.
Veterans requested to send cheques of any amount pay in favour of any girl name to the Branch office of Sanjha Morcha.

OR

Deposit Directly in their accounts

Pay to…..Chehak Kaur 

OR

Pay to..Mehak Kaur 

Address
To,
*Chehak Kaur /Mehak Kaur*
C/O
Ex Sevicemen Joint Action Front (Sanjha Morcha)
#1403 sector 40-B
Chandigarh-160036

RESPONSE FROM ADJUTANT GENERAL BRANCH ON SANJHA MORCHA LETTER WRITTEN : DEEDS ABOUT BIOLOGICAL FATHER SETTLED IN NIODA 

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In rare criticism, Navy officer blames IAF for ‘trust deficit’ between forces

here is stiff resistance from the Indian Air Force to theaterisation, or setting up of integrated commands where the assets of all three defence arms would come under the operational control of a three-star officer from any of the three services.

Army, Navy and Air Force contingents at the India Gate in New Delhi.

The Indian Air Force has harmed itself by opposing ‘theaterisation’ and this has resulted in weakening of trust between it and the army and the navy, a top navy officer wrote in a new paper published by defence think-tank Centre for Joint Warfare Studies (Cenjows) on Friday in a rare criticism of one service by a serving senior officer in another.

The paper, titled ‘The IAF and Theaterisation — Misplaced Apprehensions,’ is a deep dive into the military’s approach towards enhancing so-called jointmanship and its progression tow-ard theaterisation. Jointmanship refers to a degree of co-ordination and integration in terms of both strategy and execution across the three services. Theaterisation refers to placing under a Theatre Commander, specific units of the army, the navy, and the air force.

There is stiff resistance from the IAF to theaterisation, or setting up of integrated commands where the assets of all three defence arms would come under the operational control of a three-star officer from any of the three services, depending on the function assigned to that command.

“By continuing to stress on a ‘do it alone’ command structure, the IAF has only harmed itself. It has resulted in a weakening of trust with the other two services who have attempted to resolve the issue by investing into integral air power,” rear admiral Monty Khanna wrote.

Cenjows was set up by the defence ministry over a decade ago.

The two-star admiral is currently posted at the prestigious Defence Services Staff College, Wellington, where he is the navy’s chief instructor.

Citing the examples of the navy and army deploying air assets, Khanna notes in the paper, “This chipping away of IAF roles will continue until the fundamental issue of trust is addressed. For doing so, the IAF would need to embrace the deepening of its integration with the other two services rather than back-pedal on this relationship.”

The principle of “one front, one commander” would require the cutting down the number of existing commands from 14 to around four. While all the three services would be impacted, the IAF could get the short end of the stick with the most to lose, the paper states.

“This is the 800 pound gorilla in the room which often unites the three services in opposing theaterisation. Understandably, opposition from the IAF is the most vehement.” Khanna wrote. This is an issue that the three services have to resolve among themselves and thereafter take up with the government.

Cenjows director, lieutenant general Vinod Bhatia (retd), described the paper as “very significant” as it made a strong case for theaterisation at a time it is “very much required” and being pushed by the government.

“We are opposed to the idea of theater commands and have articulated our stand to the government,” said Air Marshal KK Nohwar (retd), who heads the Centre for Air Power Studies.

While a navy official refused to comment, saying that the admiral had authored the paper for a think tank, defence ministry officials declined to react, saying they hadn’t read the paper.