Defence Minister Rajnath Singh’s refusal to sign the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) joint statement at the Defence Ministers’ Meeting in Qingdao, China, on June 26, 2025, has sent a strong diplomatic message regarding India’s stance on terrorism and cross-border attacks.
The primary reason for India’s decision was the draft document’s omission of any reference to the deadly Pahalgam terror attack of April 22, 2025, in Jammu and Kashmir, which claimed 26 lives, including that of a Nepali national. Instead, the document included references to unrest in Balochistan, echoing Pakistan’s longstanding, but repeatedly rejected, allegations that India is involved in fomenting trouble there.
Rajnath Singh, addressing the summit, underscored that peace and prosperity cannot coexist with terrorism and that the region’s most pressing challenges stem from radicalisation, extremism, and cross-border terrorism.
He called for decisive, collective action against terror and warned against double standards, asserting that those who sponsor or shelter terrorism for narrow interests must face consequences. Singh specifically criticised the document’s failure to mention the Pahalgam attack while highlighting incidents in Pakistan, and he urged SCO member states to hold terror sponsors accountable and not to hesitate in criticizing such nations.
India’s refusal to sign the joint statement meant that the meeting concluded without a joint communique, as the SCO Charter requires consensus for adoption of such documents.
Sources indicated that China, as the current SCO Chair, and its ally Pakistan, played a role in the exclusion of the Pahalgam attack from the statement, while ensuring mention of Balochistan—moves perceived by India as attempts to dilute its firm position against terrorism and to shift focus away from cross-border terror originating from Pakistan.
This episode highlights India’s zero-tolerance policy towards terrorism and its insistence on a uniform, uncompromising approach to tackling the threat, rejecting any narrative that equates or downplays acts of terror based on political convenience.
Rajnath Singh’s stand at the SCO meeting reinforces India’s demand for global action against terrorism and its unwillingness to endorse any document that fails to address its core security concerns.
Agencies
The K-6 hypersonic ballistic missile represents a significant leap forward in India’s naval capabilities, positioning the nation among the world’s elite nuclear powers with advanced submarine-launched ballistic missile (SLBM) technology, reported News 18 web portal
This state-of-the-art weapon system, currently under development by the Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO), is designed to serve as the backbone of India’s sea-based nuclear deterrent for decades to come.
Development And Strategic Context
The K-6 SLBM is being developed at DRDO’s Advanced Naval Systems Laboratory (ASL) in Hyderabad, which specialises in solid propulsion technologies, composites, aerospace mechanisms, and guidance systems. The missile represents the culmination of India’s K-series missile family, named after former President Dr. APJ Abdul Kalam, and reflects the country’s growing ambitions to establish a credible second-strike capability in response to regional security challenges.
Development of the K-6 began in February 2017, with a completion target of less than ten years. This timeline aligns with India’s broader naval modernisation efforts aimed at countering China’s expanding influence in the Indian Ocean region, particularly as Beijing deploys advanced Type 094 and future Type 096 nuclear submarines armed with JL-3 SLBMs capable of striking targets at ranges exceeding 9,000 kilometres.
Speed And Range
The K-6 missile boasts exceptional performance characteristics that place it at the forefront of global SLBM technology. According to former BrahMos project scientists, the K-6 can achieve hypersonic speeds of Mach 7.5, equivalent to approximately 9,261 kilometres per hour. This extraordinary velocity ensures that adversaries have minimal time to react or deploy countermeasures, significantly enhancing the missile’s survivability and strike effectiveness.
The missile’s impressive range of 8,000 kilometres provides India with unprecedented strategic reach from its submarine platforms. This extended range capability allows Indian submarines to target potential adversaries while operating from safer distances in the Indian Ocean, enhancing both their survivability and India’s overall deterrent posture.
Physical Characteristics And Payload
The K-6 is designed as a three-stage, solid-fuel missile with substantial physical dimensions to accommodate its advanced capabilities. The missile measures over 12 meters in length and exceeds 2 meters in diameter, with a payload capacity of 2-3 tonnes. These specifications make it significantly larger than its predecessors in the K-series family, reflecting its intercontinental-range classification.
MIRV Technology
One of the K-6’s most significant technological features is its Multiple Independently Targetable Re-entry Vehicle (MIRV) capability. MIRV technology allows a single missile to carry multiple warheads, each capable of being directed to different targets. This capability dramatically enhances the missile’s lethality and strategic value, as it can engage multiple high-value targets simultaneously or overwhelm missile defence systems through sheer numbers.
The integration of MIRV technology places India alongside major nuclear powers including the United States, Russia, China, France, and the United Kingdom in possessing this advanced capability. MIRV systems are particularly valuable for submarine-launched missiles as they maximize the strategic impact of each launch while minimizing the number of missiles required to achieve deterrent objectives.
Integration With S-5 Class Submarines
The K-6 missile has been specifically designed for deployment aboard India’s next-generation S-5 class nuclear-powered ballistic missile submarines (SSBNs). These submarines represent a quantum leap in India’s underwater capabilities, with a submerged displacement of approximately 13,000 tonnes—nearly twice the size of the existing Arihant-class submarines.
The S-5 class submarines are designed to carry 12 to 16 K-6 SLBMs, providing India with unprecedented strategic firepower from its sea-based platforms. These submarines will be powered by advanced 190 MW pressurised water reactors developed by the Bhabha Atomic Research Centre (BARC), representing a significant upgrade from the 83 MW reactors used in the Arihant-class.
Construction of the S-5 class submarines is expected to begin by 2027, with the first vessel potentially entering service in the mid-2030s. The submarines will feature pump-jet propulsion systems for enhanced stealth capabilities and specialised steel developed by the Steel Authority of India Limited’s Bhilai Steel Plant to withstand the extreme pressures of deep-sea operations.
Strategic Implications And Global Context
The development of the K-6 missile significantly strengthens India’s nuclear triad, which consists of land-based missiles, air-delivered nuclear weapons, and sea-based SLBMs. The sea-based component is considered the most survivable element of the nuclear triad, as submarines can remain hidden beneath the ocean’s surface and are therefore less vulnerable to pre-emptive strikes than land-based systems.
Regional Balance of Power
The K-6’s capabilities directly address the strategic challenges posed by China’s growing naval presence in the Indo-Pacific region. China’s Type 094 submarines, armed with JL-2 SLBMs (7,000 km range), and the future Type 096 submarines with JL-3 SLBMs (over 9,000 km range) represent significant threats to regional stability. The K-6’s 8,000-kilometre range and hypersonic speed provide India with a credible deterrent against these advanced Chinese systems.
The missile’s speed advantage is particularly noteworthy when compared to global hypersonic systems. While the fastest missiles in the world, such as Russia’s Avangard (Mach 20-27) and China’s DF-41 (Mach 25), achieve higher peak speeds, these are primarily land-based intercontinental ballistic missiles. The K-6’s Mach 7.5 speed makes it one of the fastest submarine-launched systems globally, providing India with a significant tactical advantage in the underwater domain.
Nuclear Deterrence Architecture
The K-6 missile will serve as a cornerstone of India’s credible minimum deterrence doctrine and its “no-first-use” nuclear policy. By providing a reliable second-strike capability, the K-6 ensures that India can respond effectively to any nuclear aggression, thereby strengthening deterrence and regional stability.
The missile’s dual-use capability to carry both conventional and nuclear warheads adds flexibility to India’s strategic options. This versatility allows for graduated response scenarios and provides military planners with multiple employment options depending on the nature of threats faced.
Technological Advancements And Indigenous Development
The K-6 project represents the culmination of decades of indigenous missile development in India. The missile benefits from advanced composite propellants developed by the High Energy Materials Research Laboratory (HEMRL), which make K-series missiles faster, lighter, and stealthier than their Agni counterparts.
The missile’s guidance and control systems incorporate state-of-the-art technologies developed at various DRDO laboratories, including the Defence Research and Development Laboratory (DRDL) and the Research Centre Imarat (RCI). These systems ensure high accuracy, with modern SLBM systems typically achieving circular error probable (CEP) values of 90-100 meters.
Development Timeline And Testing Program
While specific testing schedules remain classified, the K-6 program follows the successful development pattern established by its predecessors. The K-4 missile (3,500 km range) has already been inducted into the Indian Navy and successfully tested from INS Arighaat in November 2024. The K-5 missile (5,000-6,000 km range) has completed development and is undergoing partial developmental trials.
The K-6’s development timeline suggests that initial testing phases may begin in the late 2020s, with full operational capability expected in the 2030s, coinciding with the deployment of S-5 class submarines. This timeline aligns with India’s broader naval modernisation goals and the need to maintain continuous at-sea deterrent patrols.
Conclusion
The K-6 hypersonic missile represents a transformative addition to India’s strategic arsenal, providing the nation with advanced sea-based nuclear deterrent capabilities that rival those of established nuclear powers.
Its combination of hypersonic speed, extended range, MIRV technology, and integration with next-generation submarines positions India as a formidable naval power in the 21st century. As regional tensions continue to evolve, the K-6 will serve as a critical component of India’s defence strategy, ensuring the nation’s ability to maintain peace through strength in the challenging geopolitical landscape of the Indo-Pacific region.
Defence Minister Rajnath Singh participated in the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) Defence Ministers’ meeting held in Qingdao, China, on June 25–26, 2025. The meeting brought together defence ministers from the SCO member states to discuss pressing regional and global security challenges, with a particular focus on counter-terrorism, regional stability, and enhanced defence cooperation.
On the sidelines of the main event, Rajnath Singh held several key bilateral meetings:
Tajikistan: Singh met with Tajikistan’s Defence Minister, Lieutenant General Emomali Sobirzoda. The discussions centred on strengthening bilateral defence ties and collaborating on regional security matters, including counter-terrorism and connectivity. Singh reiterated India’s commitment to a zero-tolerance policy on terrorism and called for deeper cooperation among SCO members to address radicalisation and security threats.
Belarus: Singh also engaged with Belarusian Defence Minister Lieutenant General Viktor Gennadievich Khrenin. The talks focused on expanding bilateral defence cooperation and reviewing regional security threats. Belarus’s recent accession to the SCO as a full member was noted as a significant development for the organisation.
Russia: A meeting with Russian Defence Minister Andrey Belousov further strengthened the longstanding India-Russia defence partnership. The two sides discussed ongoing projects such as the supply and joint production of military hardware, including S-400 systems, T-90 tanks, and BrahMos missiles, and reaffirmed their commitment to deepening defence collaboration.
During the plenary session, Rajnath Singh addressed the assembly, highlighting the region’s most significant challenges: peace, security, and a deficit of trust. He underscored that terrorism, radicalisation, and extremism are the root causes of instability and called for decisive, united action against these threats. Singh made a strong case for rejecting double standards in dealing with terrorism, implicitly referencing Pakistan’s use of cross-border terrorism as a policy tool and urging SCO members to hold such sponsors accountable.
Singh also referred to the recent Pahalgam terror attack in Jammu and Kashmir, which killed 26 civilians, as a stark reminder of the ongoing threat posed by terrorism in the region. He cited India’s response through Operation Sindoor as an example of exercising the right to self-defence and pre-empting further cross-border attacks.
A significant development at the meeting was India’s refusal to sign the joint declaration. Official sources stated that India was dissatisfied with the document’s language, particularly its omission of any reference to cross-border terrorism and the Pahalgam attack, while it did mention unrest in Balochistan, Pakistan. As a result, the conclave ended without a joint communique, reflecting India’s principled stand on the need for a unified, uncompromising approach to terrorism within the SCO framework.
Singh’s visit to China for the SCO meeting marked the first Indian ministerial visit since the formal conclusion of the prolonged military standoff between India and China at the Line of Actual Control. His presence in Qingdao is seen as part of a cautious Indian strategy to re-engage diplomatically with China and other regional players, while steadfastly upholding India’s core security concerns, especially regarding terrorism and sovereignty.
Throughout the proceedings, India reiterated its high regard for the SCO as a platform for fostering multilateralism and cooperation across political, security, economic, and cultural domains. The Ministry of Defence emphasized India’s commitment to the SCO’s principles, including sovereignty, territorial integrity, non-interference in internal affairs, and equality among member states.
China, as the current Chair of the SCO for 2025 under the theme “Upholding the Shanghai Spirit: SCO on the Move,” hosted the meeting. The event included visits to key venues such as the Qingdao International Conference Centre, symbolizing the organisation’s evolving role in regional cooperation.
Rajnath Singh’s engagements at the SCO Defence Ministers’ meeting in Qingdao underscored India’s proactive approach to regional security, its unwavering stance against terrorism, and its commitment to multilateral cooperation. While bilateral meetings with Tajikistan, Belarus, and Russia reinforced defence ties, India’s refusal to endorse the joint statement highlighted its insistence on a principled and unified approach to regional security challenges, especially terrorism.
Based On ANI Report
Author: Dr Ipsa Pattanayak
To become an Army Officer, one goes through UPSC CDS Exam (equivalent to Prelims for Civil Service) followed by a five days long Service Selection Board (SSB) interview. There is no interview in the country that comes close to this. Though the CDSE is relatively much easier to clear (in comparison to Civil Services Mains), but it is the SSB interview that makes the process very stringent. SSB boasts of the fact that it has rejected many renowned people like Amitabh Bachchan, Rahul Dravid and even APJ Abdul Kalam. Many service IFS/ IAS/ IPS Officers have also faced SSB rejections.
As per the internet, approximately 4-5 lakh Graduates appear for the ‘Combined Defence Services (CDS)’ exam conducted by UPSC (once in every six months). Out of these, around 6,000 to 7,500 candidates successfully clear the exam and proceed for SSB interview. Finally some 500 candidates get selected and join training academies.
A regular Army Officer’s service starts only on the Commissioning day at his final Academy (eg. IMA). He joins at the rank of Lieutenant/ Lt (two Stars on his shoulders). There he is placed on Pay Matrix 10 (Basic Pay: ₹56,100). After two years of service he becomes Captain/ Capt (three Stars on shoulder). He rises to Pay Matrix 10B (Basic Pay: ₹61,300). After six years of service he becomes Major/ Maj (an Ashoka on his shoulder). He is then placed at Pay Matrix 11 (Basic Pay: ₹69,400). After 13 years of service he becomes a Lieutenant Colonel/ Lt Col (an Ashoka & a Star on shoulder), provided he has passed two promotional exams called Part- B and Part – D. A Lt Col is placed at Pay Matrix 12A (Basic Pay: 1,21,200). This is the final rank for most of the officers due to very less number of vacancies ahead.
All Lt Cols face the promotion board called, Selection Board 3 (SB 3), generally between 15 and 18 years (depending on their arms/ branches), only if they have passed all mandatory training courses (varying between three to four), they are in desired medical standard and not under disciplinary action. On an average, only 25- 30% of Lt Col are declared FIT for the next rank, Colonel/ Col (one Ashoka & two Stars).
The Col are placed in Pay Matrix 13 (Basic Pay: ₹1,30,600) and they stay there for more than ten years.
Cols face another Selection Board, SB2, mostly between 24 and 26 years of service to be considered for the next rank, Brigadier/ Brig (one Ashoka & three Stars), that again, only 25-30% of Col become. Therefore only 10% of Officer Cadre become Brig that is placed at Pay Matrix 13A (₹1,39,600).
Further, after another five years (ie in total service of 28- 30) they are consider for SB1 for the rank of Major General/ Maj Gen (one Star & One Cross- Swords) that again, only 20% clear. So in total only 2% (at max) of Officers become Maj Gen who are placed at Pay Matrix 14 (Basic Pay: 1,44,200).
If age permits, all Maj Gen face Special Selection Board for becoming Lieutenant General/ Lt Gen (one Ashoka & one Cross Swords) that only 20% clear. Thus, only 0.5% of officers get to become Lt Gen, that in Pay Matrix is placed at HAG (Basic Pay: ₹1,82,200). Finally, one officer in every two years gets to become a General/ Gen, the Chief of Army Staff (COAS). In case of Indian Airforce and Navy, the promotions after Lt Col equivalent ranks are both slower and narrower.
The Defence Services are also called the “Services” as they were the only central services at the time of British India. Similar concept for civil sectors were introduced later, so they got called as the “Civil Services”. The parity of Civil Services was at max put a notch lower than the “Services”, because of the valour, sacrifice and pride attached to the latter.
Even till 5th Pay Commission, the joining Pay of Services Officers were one increment higher than that of the Civil Services Officers. That is how, Defence Officers are not allowed to appear for Civil Services exam, during their service, as it used be considered as a demotion.
As it is easier to draw parallel between two uniformed Services with similar insignia for ranks, I shall take you through a comparison between Army Officers and IPS Officers.
Till Independence, every state used to have one Inspector General of Police (IGP) as the head of the state Police. Under him were few Deputy Inspector Generals/ DIGs, heads of Police Ranges/ Zones and under them were Superintendent of Police (SP) as head of Police District. The SP, used to wear the rank of a Capt (three Stars on shoulder) and many even used call him a “Police Capt”. So he was equated with an Army Capt and in formal precedence he used come after a Capt. Even today in UP and Bihar the head of District Police is still fondly called as “Kaptan” (कप्तान). IPS officers with considerable service used to become SP. Similarly, DIGs used be considered junior to Brig and IGs junior to Maj Gen. The only senior Police rank above IG was that of the Director IB (DIB).
IPS Cadre, because of their proximity to the political class, and may be because of the dependency of the latter on them, could over the years, ensure an extraordinary path of career growth for themselves which was comparable to that of the IAS Cadre.
Service of an IFS/ IAS/ IPS starts the day he join his training academy (not at completion of training as in case of Army Officers). Now, in states like J&K, an IPS Officer with 4-5 year service becomes SP and wears an Ashoka & a Star, similar to that of the Lt Col (who reaches there in 13 years). The SP behaves as a senior to all Army Officers below the rank of Lt Col, although they have put in double the service.
By 9 years of service, IPS Officers of such states, start wearing insignia of Colonel and call themselves Senior Superintendent of Police (SSP). They equate themselves with Army Colonels (that only 30% offrs become, that too in 16th- 18th year of service).
By 14 years of service, IPS Officers start wearing insignia of Brigadiers (that only 10% Army Officers become and that too in 24th year of service). Then they feel all Army Officers below the rank of Brig are junior to them.
Similarly, by 19 years of service, IPS Officers start wearing the insignia of Maj Gen (that only 2% Army Officers become, that too after 28 years of service) and call themselves IGP. Also start getting the associated pay.
You would know, each one of the State Services Police Officers like JKPS, who joins one scale down as Deputy SP (Dy SP/ DSP) at least rises till the rank of DIG and wears the insignia of Brig that only 10% of Indian Army Officers commissioned by the President of India get to reach.
One, in his tender age, decides to joins Army, not for Pay and Perks but mostly for the glamour, glory, self-esteem and honour attached to the profession of arm.
The way the officer cadre of Armed forces is systematically degraded pains every Commissioned Officer. It was told an Officer commissioned by the President of India is above the Group- A gazetted officers. Now every Group B services holder is overtaking the majority (70%) of the Commissioned Officers.
There was a “Warrant of Precedence” for equating officials across the institutions and services in the country, surprisingly the internet version of the document, stops at Maj General level and further details till Lt level has been omitted.
There is strong sense of betrayal, anger, helplessness and insecurity among officers as their honour and self-esteem is not protected. The officer feels he is punished and defamed slowly and steadily, just because he chose to become an officer in Indian Army. Once overlooked for a promotion at any stage, his esteem within the organization also starts reducing, as a “superceded officer”. So a large chunk of the Army officers, despite all their talent, unmatched capability, years of training and immense experience are struggling to remain relevant, find a purpose, digest the daily subtle doses of insult as so called ‘superceded officer’.
Those who still have their results to come and have still not faced SB3, slog hard to impress their immediate three superiors so as to grab one berth of Colonel to justify their years of hardwork, practice of negligence towards loved ones, sacrifices of self/ family and to remain honourable within service among the lot of ‘yet to be superceded’.
Lack of career growth and narrow scope of promotions, has brought in selfish careerism, ‘zero error syndrome’, sycophancy and spinelessness among Indian Military leaders, as even one not- so- great Annual Confidential Report (ACR) by immediate superiors can bring an end to his career. The carefree, happy- go- lucky fun of service as a ‘Services Officer’ has gone missing.
To address the issue to some extent, the defence forces tried to expedite the promotions. As a result promotion till the rank of Lt Col in Indian Army became one of the fastest in the world hence bringing disparity in international forums, especially in UN, joint military exercises, foreign courses etc. Despite all this, the ‘Services’ officers are still long way far from the assured growth of ‘Civil Services’ officers.
One strongly believes the solution is not in further expediting promotion of Services officers, as proposed by a section. The actual solution lies in bringing the unreal and irrational promotion back to a realistic system.
Where there used to be an SP traffic today there is an ADG/ DG traffic. When there used to be one SP Home Guard, today there is DG Home Guards. Similarly, there are DG Fire Services, DG Police Housing, DG Police Grievances, DG Police Stationary, and so on. A state that used to have only one IGP today has several DGPs to accomodate every IPS Officer of a batch to become DGP. This demonstration of dominance beyond logic needs to stop.
Here is a five- point solution to uplift the morale of the Services Officers:-
Point I:-
Ensure that no service personnel of any service in this country get to wear/ display the insignias or symbols associated with Military Ranks before serving at least the same length of service required by a military officer to earn the said rank. So no Police/ CAPF/ Custom/ Revenue/ Forest officer should start wearing ranks similar to that of Capt before 2 years, Major before 6 years, Lt Col before 13 years, Col before 16 years, Brig before 24 years and Maj Gen before 28 years.
Point II:-
Rank and appointments held by Civil Srvices officers need to be de-linked. For example if a District Police Chief is of less than 13 years of service he should wear ranks of a Maj (one Ashoka), if between 13 and 16 years of service he should wear ranks of a Lt Col (one Ashoka & one Star) and if between 16 & 24 yr of service he should wear ranks of a Col (one Ashoka & two Stars).
Point III:-
Pay needs to grow gradually and regularly with increase in service for all central services officers including Defence.
Point- IV:-
The officers whom SB3 couldn’t accomodate as Colonels should be accomodated in CAPF/ Other Central services in stature similar to Colonel or allowed to leave Services with a handsome ‘Golden- Handshake’.
Point- V:-
The revised ‘Warrant of Precedence’ be released drawing Precedence and Equivalence starting from the President of India to a Sepoy in Army. The same needs to be publicly circulated and followed in letter and spirit.
Hope one day, people in power shall realise how important is the honour and self-esteem of officers (especially Lt Col and below) of the Services, and thereby, overcoming the mutual-differences/ egos between ministries (especially Home and Defence) shall restore honour in the profession of arms to rejuvenate the Services.
Jai Hind
Indian Defence Minister Rajnath Singh has discussed strengthening defence cooperation with his Russian counterpart Andrey Belousov on the sidelines of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) summit in Qingdao, China.
“We had insightful deliberations on boosting India-Russia defence ties,” Singh said on X.
During the meeting, Singh also presented Belousov with a statue of Nataraja, a symbolic gesture highlighting cultural ties.
Agencies
At the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) Defence Ministers’ Summit held in Qingdao, China, Indian Defence Minister Rajnath Singh delivered a decisive and uncompromising message against Pakistan’s role in cross-border terrorism, marking a significant diplomatic stand-off.
The summit, which brought together defence chiefs from ten member states including China, Russia, Pakistan, and India, was overshadowed by sharp disagreements over how terrorism—particularly incidents involving Pakistan—should be addressed in the joint statement.
Singh refused to sign the final joint declaration after it omitted any mention of the recent Pahalgam terror attack in Kashmir, which killed 26 people and was linked to Pakistan-based terror groups like Lashkar-e-Taiba and its offshoot,
The Resistance Front. Instead, the draft document subtly implied that India was responsible for instability in regions such as Balochistan and Pakistan-occupied Kashmir, a stance that drew strong objections from the Indian delegation.
Throughout the summit, there were no handshakes or courtesies exchanged between Singh and his Pakistani counterpart, reflecting the deep diplomatic chill. Singh’s address was a direct rebuke to Pakistan and, by extension, China, both of whom reportedly pushed for a softer stance on terrorism in the final document.
He condemned the use of terrorism as a tool of state policy and called out the “double standards” of countries that sponsor or shelter terrorists, insisting that all perpetrators, sponsors, and financiers must be held accountable.
Singh also referenced Operation Sindoor, in which Indian forces targeted terror camps inside Pakistan, asserting India’s right to self-defence and its policy of zero tolerance towards terrorism.
The refusal to sign the joint statement resulted in the SCO Defence Ministers’ Meeting concluding without a communique—a rare occurrence for such high-level summits. Singh’s actions underscored India’s strategic autonomy and its insistence that peace and prosperity in the region cannot coexist with terrorism and the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction in the hands of non-state actors.
He urged SCO nations to reject double standards and take united, decisive action against those who sponsor and nurture terrorism for narrow political ends.
This “diplomatic strike” by Rajnath Singh not only isolated Pakistan on the international stage but also sent a clear message to the SCO and the broader global community: India will not compromise on its core security concerns, especially when it comes to cross-border terrorism.
Agencies
At the meeting in China’s Qingdao, Rajnath Singh says ‘peace and prosperity cannot co-exist with terrorism’
Defence Minister Rajnath Singh, speaking at the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) Defence Ministers’ meeting in Qingdao on Thursday, delivered a strong message against terrorism, indirectly targeting Pakistan.
Without naming the country, Singh said that some nations use cross-border terrorism as an instrument of policy and provide shelter to terrorists, stressing that there should be no place for such double standards.
Pakistan, a member of the SCO, was represented at the meeting by its Defence Minister Khawaja Asif.
Singh added that the SCO should not hesitate to criticise such nations that support or enable terrorism.
“It is imperative that those who sponsor, nurture, and utilise terrorism for their narrow and selfish ends must bear the consequences,” Rajnath Singh stated.
He further underlined that peace and prosperity cannot co-exist with terrorism and the proliferation of Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMDs), especially when these fall into the hands of non-state actors and terrorist groups.
Singh called for decisive, united action among SCO members to combat these threats, emphasising the need for collective security.
Speaking about the Pahalgam terror attack on April 22, the Defence Minister said that the terror group ‘The Resistance Front’ (TRF) carried out a dastardly and heinous attack on innocent tourists in Pahalgam, located in the Indian state of Jammu and Kashmir. A total of 26 civilians, including a Nepali national, were killed in the incident. He stated that the victims were singled out and shot after being profiled based on their religious identity.
The Resistance Front, a proxy of the UN-designated terror group Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT), claimed responsibility for the attack. He noted that the pattern of the Pahalgam attack closely resembles previous terror strikes carried out by LeT in India.
Exercising its right to defend against terrorism and to pre-empt and deter further cross-border attacks, India successfully launched Operation Sindoor on May 7 to dismantle terrorist infrastructure across the border.
French engine maker, Sarfan, on Wednesday announced the construction of a new maintenance repair and overhaul (MRO) facility dedicated to the Rafale’s M88 engine in Hyderabad.This site will be the first one to maintain M88 engine modules outside of France, Safran said.
The brand-new facility will have a capacity of handling more than 600 engine modules each year, and will help in meeting the strong growth of M88 maintenance activities worldwide. The Indian Air Force already flies the Rafale, while the Navy has ordered its marine version.
Christophe Bruneau, Executive Vice-President, Military Engines at Safran Aircraft Engines, said, “We are delighted to select Hyderabad as a location for the first export maintenance facility dedicated to the M88.”
“This project marks an important step in the development of Indian sovereignty in aerospace and defence, while demonstrating Safran’s commitment to developing a world-class MRO ecosystem for the benefit of all M88 operators,” Bruneau added.
A statement issued by Safran further read: “The new workshop will also benefit from synergies with other Safran production facilities and MRO workshops located in the region, in line with our commitment to develop a comprehensive commercial and military supply chain in India for aircraft engines.”
