India has turned down a tentative offer of talks made by Pakistan Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif saying this was standard Pakistani tactics at a time of crisis when the neighbouring nation had to assuage the international community to cadge funds from it.
“We are prepared to talk to them (India) provided the neighbour is serious,” said Sharif while sharing the stage with Chinese President Xi Jinping’s Special Representative and Vice Premier He Lifeng on Tuesday. “They have given statements like these earlier too, more to please the international community. This time, it appears more to please the IMF and the World Bank,” said officials sources here. “If they want to improve ties, mere talks won’t help. They will have to take action on the borders because massive infiltration is going on,” they added.
Peace continues to elude ethnically divided Manipur
MANIPUR is awash with blood and violence ever since the spark of an ethno-religious conflict was lit three months ago. The Centre refuses to acknowledge the existence of a carnage, while Chief Minister N Biren Singh, sitting pretty, has claimed that normalcy has ‘returned’ to the state, citing over 90 per cent attendance in schools as ‘evidence’. On July 29, a huge rally was organised in Imphal by the Coordinating Committee on Manipur Integrity. Led by women from the dominant Meitei community, the rallyists raised slogans calling for a genocide of the Kuki-Zo tribals, the target of the conflict, branding them as poppy cultivators and drug abusers — a running theme in the Meitei discourse to validate the attacks on the Kuki-Zo. While it is true that poppy plants abound in the hills, home to the Kuki-Zo, the nature and complexities of the drug trade suggest the involvement of powerful vested interests which are not geography/community-specific.
Will the Central and state governments allow the situation to fester without an intervention? It’s not as though the northeastern region has not experienced serious, long-lasting disorders whose solutions were not found ultimately. In the miasma of destruction, the contours of an answer were glimpsed when Koki-Zo legislators asked for a separate administrative arrangement in the hills. This was not a panchayat-like template. It was akin to a self-governance model along the lines of the Sixth Schedule of the Constitution which empowered the tribes to govern and develop the areas under their control, which might not be feasible when a non-tribal majority dominated the state’s political and administrative structures and called the shots. But a whiff of a suggestion for a separate administration recalled for the Meiteis the notion of a separate ‘Kukiland’, which was raised in the late 1980s by the Kuki National Organisation (KNO), the largest Kuki-Zo insurgent outfit. It was like a red rag to a bull, despite the idea being articulated tentatively enough to not sound aggressive.
In a recent article on why a separate administration for Kuki-Zo could pose a threat to India’s sovereignty, RK Sanayaima Singh, former adviser to Delhi’s Manipur Students’ Association, pointed out that it was “intertwined with geopolitical dynamics and the echoes of trans-boundary pan-nationalism”, an overstatement defying credibility.
The writer harked back to the Kuki-Zo’s romanticised aspiration for the Zale’n-gam or the land of freedom, which for the dreamers embraced parts of Myanmar, Nagaland, Assam, Tripura and even the Chittagong Hill Tracts of Bangladesh. When the British redrew boundaries under the 1834 Kabaw Valley Agreement, they handed over a large portion of this land to erstwhile Burma to appease the Ava or Burmese King. Although the apprehension was that a separate administration might germinate the Mizo National Front’s (MNF) purported goal for a ‘unification’ of the areas inhabited by the Chin-Kuki-Mizo ethnic tribes, the fact is that over the years, the imaginary Kukiland has been scaled down to the hills of Manipur but includes the parts inhabited by the Naga tribes, who have no love lost for the Kuki-Zo. The MNF rules Mizoram and is an ally of the BJP. But that did not stop Mizoram CM Zoramthanga from recently addressing a solidarity march for Manipur’s victims, signifying that the fault-lines criss-crossing the North-East transcended geographical boundaries and political allegiances.
Conversely, the arguments stacked up in favour of extending the Sixth Schedule to the hills emanated from the limited representation that the tribes have in the Manipur legislature (out of 60 seats, only 19 were reserved for the STs), which marginalised their voices and diminished their influence in policymaking. The uneven presence allowed the Meitei-majority government to introduce Bills that impacted tribes’ rights and interests, the most recent act of which was to declare tribal areas as reserved forests and protected lands without proper statutory compliance. Therefore, the articulate voices from the Kuki-Zo community sought political autonomy for the tribes under Article 244A of the Constitution, which asks for an elected body to function as a legislature within a state, or in other words, as a state within a state.
In a scenario where the battle-lines have become irredeemably accentuated, it is hard to envisage the Kuki-Zo getting a fraction of what they sought in better times. However, it is edifying to recall that other states in a conflict-contagious zone eventually found workable solutions, which might not have entirely satisfied the dissatisfied, but in the circumstances allowed for a degree of give-and-take and some sort of coexistence with their adversaries.
In Assam, in the 1980s, the National Democratic Front of Bodoland sought the creation of an independent home for the Bodos, the largest ethnic grouping among the state’s plains tribes. The Bodos had reasons to feel browbeaten by the erstwhile Asom Gana Parishad dispensation, which pandered largely to the Hindu Assamese.
The Bodos were engaged in a long-drawn strife with the Assam Government to press home their demand for a 50-50 division of the state, which no government was willing to concede. The issue was flagged by the relatively peaceful All Bodo Students’ Union (ABSU). Soon, two insurgent groups, the Bodo Liberation Tigers and the National Democratic Front of Bodoland, got into the act and clashed with the police and non-Bodos living in the area, inflicting serious casualties.
Eventually, a tripartite agreement between the Centre, the state government and the ABSU birthed the Bodoland Territorial Council, which endorsed the idea of a state within a state and administered a territory created by restructuring seven contiguous districts. The Tigers laid down arms, while the front split into three factions, one of which exists as a throwback to a bloody past. But the council restored a veneer of normalcy to a once-troubled region.
Peace might be more elusive in Manipur, given the state’s complicity in the ongoing bloodshed which has emboldened a large section of the civilians to persist with assaults and rapes. The flashpoint is long gone.
Constitution Bench to hear Article 370 pleas from today
Four years after abrogation of special status of Jammu and Kashmir, the Supreme Court will on Wednesday commence hearing on petitions challenging the constitutional validity of nullification of Article 370 and bifurcation of the state into two union territories.
The matter will be taken up by a five-judge Constitution Bench led by Chief Justice of India DY Chandrachud which will hear it on a day-to-day basis, except on Mondays and Fridays when the top court deals with miscellaneous matters. Other judges on the Constitution Bench are Justice SK Kaul, Justice Sanjiv Khanna, Justice BR Gavai and Justice Surya Kant.
There are more than 20 petitions challenging the Presidential Orders nullifying Article 370 and Article 35A of the Constitution; and bifurcation of Jammu and Kashmir into two union territories – Jammu and Kashmir, and Ladakh.
The Jammu and Kashmir Reorganisation Act, 2019, which divided the state into two UTs has already been acted upon. The changes came into effect on October 31, 2019, after being notified in the official gazette.
Weatherman warns of landslips, mudflows in Himachal, heavy rain in Punjab, Haryana
Himachal Pradesh is likely to see landslides and mudflows on August 3 and 4, the IMD warned on Tuesday.
It has issued an orange alert for the state as HP is likely to receive “heavy to very heavy rain” on August 3 and 4.
The department has advised people to refrain from visiting affected areas, which may face flooding, landslides and mudflows.
The department issued a yellow alert for Punjab as well as the state is likely to witness heavy rain on August 3, 4 and 5.
“Thunderstorms and lightning are likely at isolated places in Punjab on Wednesday. Heavy rain and lightning are likely at isolated places between August 3 and 5,” said the department. Haryana is also expected to experience heavy rain on August 3, 4 and 5.
Satya Pal Malik: Govt may resort to Pulwama-II ahead of poll
Former J&K Governor Satya Pal Malik today countered Union Home Minister Amit Shah’s remarks accusing him of “not speaking on the Pulwama attack while in office” saying he had, in interviews to TV channels, maintained that the 40 CPRF personnel died “because of our own mistake”. – File photo https://cdn.vuukle.com/widgets/audio.html?version=1.1.1 Advertisement
Former J&K Governor Satya Pal Malik today countered Union Home Minister Amit Shah’s remarks accusing him of “not speaking on the Pulwama attack while in office” saying he had, in interviews to TV channels, maintained that the 40 CPRF personnel died “because of our own mistake”.
Chairing an all-party convention on ‘National Security Affairs – Concerns & Accountability’ here, Malik said, “I received a call from PM Narendra Modi at 5.30 am that day and was told to keep mum. Even NSA Ajit Doval asked me not to speak.”
Ruing the fact that no inquiry was conducted and accountability fixed for allowing such an attack to happen, Malik said, “The entire issue was buried and shifted towards Pakistan.” He alleged that as the Lok Sabha elections were nearing, he suspected the “government may resort to Pulwama-II by allowing an attack on Ram Mandir in Ayodhya and Balakot-II by sending ground troops to the PoK. We need to be careful not to get emotionally driven.”
IN a shocking instance of a hate crime, a Railway Protection Force constable shot dead his senior and three passengers on board the Jaipur-Mumbai Central Express near Palghar station in Maharashtra. – File photo https://cdn.vuukle.com/widgets/audio.html?version=1.1.1 Advertisement
IN a shocking instance of a hate crime, a Railway Protection Force constable shot dead his senior and three passengers on board the Jaipur-Mumbai Central Express near Palghar station in Maharashtra. In a video clip, the remorseless accused is seen standing beside a blood-soaked body and heard saying: ‘Pakistan se operate hue hain… inke aaqa hain wahan… Agar vote dena hai, agar Hindustan me rehna hai, toh mein kehta hoon, Modi aur Yogi, ye do hain, aur aapke Thackeray’ (They operate from Pakistan… their leaders are there… If you want to vote, if you want to live in India, then I say, Modi and Yogi, these are the two, and your Thackeray).
The cruel irony is not lost on anyone: the passengers were gunned down by a member of a force entrusted with the protection of their lives and property. The hate-filled rant and the cold-blooded murders leave no room for doubt that the communal virus has deeply permeated our society. The chilling fact that the accused mentioned the names of the Prime Minister and the Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister while giving a blood-curdling warning to India’s Muslims lays bare the unwillingness of the political leadership to deal firmly with hate speech. The train horror comes just three months after the Supreme Court, while terming hate speech as a serious offence that could affect the country’s secular fabric, had directed states and UTs to suo motu register FIRs in such cases and proceed against offenders without waiting for someone to lodge a complaint.
Communal tensions have turned countless neighbourhoods across India into a tinderbox that gets ignited by a mere spark — a remark inciting violence or a provocative show of strength in a minority-dominated locality. The clashes that erupted in Haryana’s Nuh over a religious procession are now scorching other districts of the state too. The onus is on the police to arrest and prosecute rioters and also those indulging in hate speech — else the government’s inaction would be read as its complicity.
‘6,532 FIRs but only 7 arrests’: Supreme Court summons Manipur DGP on August 7
Noting that there appeared to be a “breakdown of constitutional machinery” in Manipur in dealing with the ethnic violence that targeted women, the Supreme Court on Tuesday directed the state’s DGP to appear before it in person on August 7 to answer queries on lapses on the part of the police.
“In order to enable the court to appreciate the entire dimensions of the nature of investigation that is required, we direct the DGP to be personally present in the court at 2 pm on Monday and be in a position to answer the queries of the court,” a three-judge Bench led by CJI DY Chandrachud said.
“The investigation is so lethargic. FIRs registered after two months. Arrests not made. Statements recorded after a long lapse of time…. This gives an impression that from the beginning of May till the end of July, there was no law… there was a breakdown of constitutional machinery…. May be, it’s correct that arrest could not be made because the police could not enter the locality,” said the Bench, which also included Justice JB Pardiwala and Justice Manoj Misra.
Noting that it would not be possible for the CBI to probe such a large number of cases, the Bench said it intended to set up a panel of retired judges to look into the matter.
Terming it as impractical to transfer all the cases “lock, stock and barrel” to the CBI, the CJI said an independent body needed to be constituted. The Bench, which had on July 20 taken suo motu cognisance of a video showing two women being paraded naked in ethnic violence-hit Manipur, asked the state government to segregate the 6,532 FIRs in terms of category of offences.
At the outset, Solicitor General Tushar Mehta submitted a status report on behalf of the Manipur Government and admitted that the situation on the ground was very bad. Mehta said 6,532 FIRs had been registered. He said 11 of the FIRs related to offences against women and the Manipur Police had arrested seven persons.
“In 6,000 FIRs, you have made seven arrests,” the Bench wondered. Clarifying that the seven arrests were made in respect of the viral video incident, Mehta said 250 arrests had been made in connection with the cases and 12,000 people had been put under preventive detention. “Your Lordships’ words may have consequences… these could be used or misused in ways that were not intended”, Mehta told the Bench. Earlier in the day, the SC restrained the CBI from recording statements of the women whose video of being paraded went viral.
Lethargic probe, cops have lost control
Investigation is so lethargic. FIRs lodged after 2 months. Arrests not made…. Police are incapable of investigation. They have lost control. There is absolutely no law and order. SC Bench
Top court asks police to segregate FIRs
The SC has told the police to segregate the 6,532 FIRs in terms of category of offences—murder; rape; rape and murder; arson and looting; destruction of houses and property; outraging modesty of women; grievous hurt; and destruction of shrines
Virtual to real: How war on social media triggered arson in Nuh
Even before first clashes erupted on the streets of Nuh yesterday, a virtual war had already been fought between the two sides over the preceding two weeks.
Police teams led by acting SP Narendra Bijarniya have been raiding village after village, detaining around 100 youths in connection with the violence so far. Aged 18 to 25, the youths do not claim allegiance to any group, but are avid YouTubers.
According to the police, the war with cow vigilante groups and right-wing activists started on the social media and spilled on to the streets. While many of these social media videos were provocative, the local law enforcement agencies remained indifferent, leading to violence.
While cow vigilantes Monu Manesar and Bittu Bjarangi, through different videos, allegedly challenged their social media rivals, police investigations reveal videos uploaded by the other group showed stockpiling of cylinders amid open threats of immolation and accidents using dump trucks.
Had the Intelligence agencies and local police followed it up throughly, they would have sensed what was coming. Home Minister Anil Vij has also stated the violence was pre-planned and police investigations so far also point to this.
“So far, the prime reason behind the arson emerges to be the YouTube war. They were all fighting on the social media, with the trigger being a dare by a Faridabad vigilante. As of now, we are reviewing videos of arson and rounding up suspects. Further details will be revealed in the course of investigation,” says acting SP Bijarniya.
The raiding police teams, meanwhile, have been facing tough resistance in villages. A mild scuffle was reported between police and villagers at Shikarpur village near Tauru, where a police vehicle was attacked with stones by villagers, who were dispersed using aerial fire.
A majority of men in villages such as Khedla, Mewli, Shikarpur, Nlahar, Tauru, etc. has fled to Rajasthan to evade arrest. Women and children are standing guard and preventing entry of outsiders. Flag marches are being held across Nuh and no outward incident has been reported.
UNITED FRONT OF ESM WELFARE SOCIETY MEET WITH FAMILIES: PATHANKOT
A day after Defence Minister Rajnath Singh said India would not hesitate in crossing the Line of Control (LoC), Army Chief Gen Manoj Pande on Thursday visited the Siachen glacier and reviewed the operations
preparedness of troops.
He also laid a wreath at the Siachen war memorial to honour the bravehearts who have made the supreme sacrifice at the world’s highest battlefield. “Interacting with the troops, General Pande lauded them for their tenacity and perseverance under challenging conditions and also exhorted them to continue working with same zeal and motivation,” an official spokesperson of the Army said.
Rajnath had on Wednesday, while participating in the 24th ‘Kargil Vijay Diwas’ at Dras, said no compromise would be made in protecting the sovereignty, unity and integrity of the country.
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