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LARGE NUMBER OF FOOD, LIQUOR SOLD IN DEFENCE CANTEENS UNFIT FOR CONSUMPTION’ Citing a specific instance wherein a large stock of unchecked substandard beer was sold to customers, the Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG) of India in its report laid in both houses of Parliament on 10 March, stated: “Audit apprehension about issue of substandard items was established by an instance when a sample of Kingfisher beer referred to laboratory for testing in January 2014, by Area Depot Baghdogra (through Area Depot Delhi) was found unfit for consumption.”
During audit the CAG found that despite being found unfit for consumption the stock of beer worth Rs 8.43 lakh was already sold to the customers, mainly defence personnel and defence civilians. The report pointed out that despite the mandatory 100 per cent sample testing of food and liquor items, in a number of instances such products are being sold without going through the laid down quality checking procedure.
Underlining the seriousness of the issue, the CAG noted: “Given the fact that some of samples were fond unfit during tests, there is likelihood that some of the remaining food items issued and consumed without testing might not be of standard quality. This reflects that the depots failed in assuring the quality of food products issued to URCs and finally to the consumers.”
The matter related to the poor quality of food and liquor items was subsequently referred to the DDGCS for its opinion. The DDGCS came out with its response in July 2016, which the CAG said was ‘not convincing’. The CAG pointed out that the number of food and liquor testing labs has also come down to three from six.
“The issue assumes serious significance in light of the fact that 46 per cent of the food samples were found substandard. These verdicts raise question marks about the credibility of the companies being introduced and the quality of food products supplied by them (to CDS and URCs),” the report further underlined. It underlined the need for putting in place an ‘effective mechanism’ to ensure effective implementation of the quality control measures at all levels of the supply chain in CSD and URCs. https://www.thestatesman.com/india/large-number-of-food-liquor-sold-in-defence-canteens-unfit-for-consumption-1490031664.html/amp
WE NEED TO BE VERY VERY CAREFUL AT THIS STAGE OF LIFE*_
*WE NEED TO BE VERY VERY CAREFUL AT THIS STAGE OF LIFE*_ ‘LARGE NUMBER OF FOOD, LIQUOR SOLD IN DEFENCE CANTEENS UNFIT FOR CONSUMPTION’ Citing a specific instance wherein a large stock of unchecked substandard beer was sold to customers, the Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG) of India in its report laid in both houses of Parliament on 10 March, stated: “Audit apprehension about issue of substandard items was established by an instance when a sample of Kingfisher beer referred to laboratory for testing in January 2014, by Area Depot Baghdogra (through Area Depot Delhi) was found unfit for consumption.”
During audit the CAG found that despite being found unfit for consumption the stock of beer worth Rs 8.43 lakh was already sold to the customers, mainly defence personnel and defence civilians. The report pointed out that despite the mandatory 100 per cent sample testing of food and liquor items, in a number of instances such products are being sold without going through the laid down quality checking procedure.
Underlining the seriousness of the issue, the CAG noted: “Given the fact that some of samples were fond unfit during tests, there is likelihood that some of the remaining food items issued and consumed without testing might not be of standard quality. This reflects that the depots failed in assuring the quality of food products issued to URCs and finally to the consumers.” The matter related to the poor quality of food and liquor items was subsequently referred to the DDGCS for its opinion. The DDGCS came out with its response in July 2016, which the CAG said was ‘not convincing’. The CAG pointed out that the number of food and liquor testing labs has also come down to three from six.
“The issue assumes serious significance in light of the fact that 46 per cent of the food samples were found substandard. These verdicts raise question marks about the credibility of the companies being introduced and the quality of food products supplied by them (to CDS and URCs),” the report further underlined. It underlined the need for putting in place an ‘effective mechanism’ to ensure effective implementation of the quality control measures at all levels of the supply chain in CSD and URCs. https://www.thestatesman.com/india/large-number-of-food-liquor-sold-in-defence-canteens-unfit-for-consumption-1490031664.html/amp
Chancellor, Jammu Central University, & former High Commissioner to Pakistan
WITH its economy in the doldrums amid strict controls on government expenditure because of tough conditions laid down by the International Monetary Fund (IMF), there is little to cheer today in Pakistan. To add to the country’s economic woes, inflationary pressures are making life difficult for the common man. A recent report from the World Bank notes: “Pakistan’s economy is currently under severe stress with low foreign reserves, a depreciating currency and high inflation.” Pakistan’s economy is expected to grow at 0.4 per cent in the current financial year amidst rising inflation and high energy prices. Its agricultural income is expected to contract for the first time in two decades, with industrial production also set to do likewise, resulting in supply chain disruption. Pakistan is going to remain an economic basket case, heavily dependent on foreign economic assistance for the foreseeable future.
China has been providing Pak with material and knowhow to expand its nuclear weapons for over three decades.
Despite concluding an agreement with the IMF and receiving bilateral assistance from countries like Saudi Arabia and the UAE, Pakistan will require strict management of its foreign exchange reserves and economic austerity to get out of the present crisis. While Pakistan’s Planning Minister Ahsan Iqbal had projected a
3.5 per cent growth rate this year, experts across the world do not share his optimism. In the meantime, its ‘all-weather friend’ China is also averse to opening its purse strings generously to meet Pakistan’s needs for internationally convertible currencies. Beijing’s focus will primarily remain on its Belt and Road Initiative. Moreover, it is questionable whether Pakistan can emulate the success of Sri Lankan President Ranil Wickremesinghe, who has done exceedingly well in meeting the challenge of looming economic bankruptcy in the island nation with astute diplomatic and financial policies.
Amidst these pressing economic problems, Pakistan’s ‘nuclear weapon leadership’ is bent on giving good news to its people, averring that it is all set to take the country into a blissful ‘nuclear nirvana’. Pakistan’s first ‘nuclear czar’ was AQ Khan, who died in October 2021. Khan had the dubious distinction of securing employment in a Dutch Company with European affiliations, which worked on research and development of nuclear technology, to produce enriched uranium, using high-speed centrifuges. He was infuriated by Pakistan’s defeat in the 1971 conflict, which he often alluded to. He gave then Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto detailed information he had obtained on uranium enrichment to produce nuclear weapons. Thereafter, he became the head of Pakistan’s Uranium Enrichment Project, based in Kahuta near Islamabad. He was then able to put together the centrifuges required for uranium enrichment.
With China producing enriched uranium-based nuclear weapons, it was inevitable that Pakistan duly received the designs of nuclear weapons from Beijing. Islamabad was, thereafter, ready to assemble its nuclear weapons, which it demonstrated by testing the weapons soon after India tested its (plutonium-based) nuclear weapons in 1998. It was only a question of time before AQ Khan was eased out of office on the charges of corruption and providing nuclear weapon designs to some Islamic countries, evidently at handsome prices. Countries like the US were quite obviously not pleased with these happenings. Nevertheless, AQ Khan remains a national hero.
His successor as the head of Pakistan’s Nuclear Weapons Programme was Lt Gen Khalid Kidwai, a highly regarded artillery officer who was a prisoner of war in India in the aftermath of the 1971 Bangladesh war. It was Kidwai’s assumption of office that led to the enunciation of a nuclear doctrine by Pakistan after its nuclear tests in 1998. Kidwai’s doctrine spelt out the circumstances under which Pakistan would resort to the use of nuclear weapons. He noted that Pakistan would be ‘compelled’ to use its nuclear weapons if India attacked and conquered a “major portion of Pakistani territory”, or destroys a large portion of its land, or air forces. For good measure, Kidwai added that Pakistan would act identically if India tried to economically strangle Pakistan or destabilise it internally through large-scale subversion.
Kidwai is still the public face of Pakistan’s nuclear ambitions and policies. Pakistan is today estimated to possess 170 nuclear weapons compared to India’s 164, according to some international organisations. Pakistan also has a wide range of Chinese-supplied nuclear-capable missiles, ranging from Shaheen 1 (range 750-900 km) to Shaheen 3 (range 2,750 km). Pakistan’s nuclear weapons and missiles are established as being of Chinese design. At the same time, Pakistanis recognise that a nuclear conflict would be self-destructive. India’s effort has logically been based on building capacities to face ‘two-front nuclear challenges’. China has, after all, been providing Pakistan with material and knowhow to expand its nuclear weapons and missile capabilities, for over three decades now. While India has nuclear capabilities to target China, it would be more than prudent for New Delhi to further strengthen the capabilities of its nuclear delivery systems. This would require the indigenous development of at least three more nuclear submarines, which will ensure that there can be no doubt anywhere about the reach of India’s nuclear weapons, and ensure the credibility of its deterrence.
Amidst this security scenario, with a politically volatile Pakistan heading for national elections by the end of this year, one can expect little or no result from any new diplomatic initiative to bring about any serious change in Pakistani thinking. While political-level talks are presently not on the cards, it would be useful to continue serious back-channel talks in which the Pakistan military is involved. The animosity between Pakistan army chief Gen Asim Munir and former PM Imran Khan goes back to the days when the latter had arbitrarily removed him from the prestigious post of the ISI chief. Imran, who was convicted and sentenced last week in the Toshakhana case, is also disliked by the Biden administration, which had a cosy relationship with former army chief Gen Bajwa who, quite evidently, had a hand in Imran’s ouster. Gen Munir will certainly not treat Imran with kid gloves.
Freedom struggle and the role of revolutionary poetry
JAGDAMBA Prasad Hitaishi wrote: ‘Shahidon ki chitayon par judenge har baras mele, watan per marne walon ka yehi baaki nishan hoga’ (Every year, fairs will be held at the funeral sites of martyrs; this will be their legacy). Far from celebrating the lives of martyrs, however, people are applauding the power of our rulers, who metaphorically flex their arms before audiences, even as parts of the country continue to be devastated by violence and hate. What can we say about these desolate, ruined spaces except repeat Dante’s words from The Divine Comedy: ‘Abandon all hope all ye who enter here’?
The rituals of Independence, which could not have been attained without the sacrifices of countless Indians, have been appropriated by a ruling elite seemingly indifferent to the consequences of its own policies. It’s time we began to reclaim and rediscover, as part of Independence Day celebrations, the thousands of Indians who, inspired by Gandhi as well as progressive poets, participated in the freedom struggle.
Today, Urdu is regarded as the language of the ‘enemy’, and Urdu speakers are identified with a particular community. Revolutionary poetry, which mobilised an entire generation, was written by both Hindus and Muslims who loved Urdu, and continue to do so. Brij Narayan Chakbast (1882-1926) wrote: ‘Yeh khaak-e-Hind se paida hain josh ke aasar/Himalaya se uthe jaise abr-e-daryabaar’ (From the dust of Hindustan have arisen signs of energy and passion, the way rivers gush from the Himalayas). Bhagat Singh, Rajguru and Sukhdev had this poem by Bismil Azimbadi (1901-1978) on their lips: ‘Sarfaroshi ki tamanna ab hamare dil mein hai; dekhna hai zor kitna baazu-e-qatil mein hain’ (We passionately desire to lay down our lives, let’s see how much strength the enemy possesses).
Maulana Hasrat Mohani coined the phrase ‘Inquilab zindabad’. This became the rallying cry of the freedom struggle. He demanded azaadi-e-kaamil or complete independence in 1921: ‘Rasm-e-jafa kaamyab dekhiye kab tak rahe/Hubb-e-watan mast-e-khwab kab tak rahe/Daulat-e-Hindustan qabzah aghyar mein/Be adad o behisab dekhiye kab tak rahe’ (Let us see how long we are oppressed, how long freedom remains but a dream, and how long the British plunder India’s riches).
If revolutionaries were inspired by Chandra Shekhar Azad’s poem ‘Dushmano ki goliyan ka hum samna karenge/Azad hi rahein hai, azad hi rahenge’ (We will face the bullets of the enemy, we have been free and we will continue to be free), they were equally motivated by ‘the poet of revolution’ Josh Malihabadi: ‘Mera naara, inquilab o inquilab o inquilab’ (My slogan is revolution).
How do we differentiate between Hindu and Muslim poets? Both loved freedom, both wrote amazing poetry that captured the essence of political resistance. They were to transform literature and poetry. Sajjad Zaheer wrote in his autobiography Reminiscences: ‘Sensitive writers felt that they could not continue in the old mode… It was no longer possible for the writers to continue to live in ivory towers and remain unconcerned with the lives and thoughts of common people.’ He was referring to the wave of anti-fascism, socialism and radicalisation of culture, literature and poetry that swept India in the 1930s. Literary figures expanded the goals of the freedom struggle to the fight against injustice and patriarchy within society. Witness the contrast between those progressive writers and rabid Muslim and Hindu right-wingers who remain stuck in the notion of ‘two nations’.
Bhisham and Balraj Sahni, Prithviraj, Raj and Shammi Kapoor and a number of stars, including the debonair Dev Anand, as well as poets Jan Nisar Akhtar, Sahir Ludhianvi and Sardar Jafri, among others, spoke up against communalism, poverty and social oppression. The progressives taught us that society has to look outwards towards imperialism, but it also has to also look inwards and focus on the many contradictions, oppressions and tyrannies of our own society.
At the first meeting of the Progressive Writers’ Association, Munshi Premchand gave the inaugural address in chaste Urdu. He told the audience that good literature can only be founded on truth, beauty, freedom and humanity. It has to reject all that inhibits human freedom and creativity, such as orthodoxy and obscurantism. ‘Literature is the outward form of the artist’s spiritual balance, and what harmony creates is never subversive. It nurtures in us the qualities of loyalty, sincerity, sympathy, justice and egalitarianism. Where these qualities exist, there is stability and life. Where they are wanting, there is division, selfishness, hatred, enmity, and death… Literature makes our life natural and free… it civilises the self.’ Progressives showed another way beyond the Hindu-Muslim binary: the ills that beset the human condition. Human beings cannot be essentialised and reduced to their religious identity. They are capable of walking another path: solidarity with the oppressed, compassion for the poor, and sensitivity to the sufferings of their people.
This dimension of the national movement taught us that beyond our religious identity lies another space, that of humanity. Penning the lyrics of a song from BR Chopra’s Dharmputra, Sahir Ludhianvi asked a significant question, ‘Yeh kiska lahu hai, kaun mara’ (Whose blood is this, who died?). If only we were to ask this question, we might realise humanity. Otherwise, we will continue to wring our hands and wonder in the words of Javed Akhtar, ‘Yeh kahaan aa gaye hum, yun hi saath chalte chalte…’
Four persons, including two security personnel, were injured in a grenade blast in Anantnag district on Thursday. The explosion took place during a cordon-and-search operation in the Kokernag area of the South Kashmir district, officials said.
All four have been hospitalised and their condition is stated to be stable. The search operation in the area is underway, officials added.
Meanwhile, eight terrorist associates were arrested in Baramulla, Budgam and Srinagar districts. Six of them worked for the Lashkar-e-Toiba (LeT) while the rest for the Jaish-e-Mohammad (JeM).
Three of them were caught in Uri area of Baramulla. Ali Awan, Ahmad Din and Mohammad Sadeeq Khatana were running an LeT terror module, officials said. Two grenades, a Chinese pistol, a pistol magazine and four live rounds were seized from them. They were involved in cross-border smuggling of arms and ammunition and distribution of the same among LeT militants for terror activities, the officials said.
In Budgam, three more LeT terror associates — Qaisar Ahmad Dar of Kremshora, Tahir Ahmad Dar and Aqib Rashed Ganie of Wagar — were caught and a Chinese grenade, two magazines and 57 live rounds were seized.
In Srinagar, two JeM militant associates — Arshad Mushtaq and Suhail Majeed Mir, both of Pulwama — were caught and two grenades recovered from them, the police said. Further investigation has been going on. — PTI
Eight Lashkar, Jaish associates arrested
Six terror associates of the Lashkar-e-Toiba were caught in Baramulla and Budgam. Two grenades, a Chinese pistol, a pistol magazine and four live rounds were seized.
Two aides of the Jaish-e-Mohammad were arrested in Srinagar and two grenades were seized from them, the police said.
ONE of the first lessons I learnt as a young police officer was that communal clashes were to be put down with a heavy hand. If you needed to open fire, you were free to do so in case no other option was available. Of course, the rule of minimum force was always to be kept in mind.
It’s not as if the police were not aware of Monu Manesar’s deep hatred of the Muslims and his intentions.
The Chief Minister, whoever happened to be in that position at the time of the clash, was kept informed of the cause of the riot, the action taken by the police and the steps that were needed to be taken to prevent further mayhem. The compulsion of arresting or detaining the instigators on both sides of the divide was paramount on all such occasions. Every police officer was adept at dealing with communal friction and riots. The governments I served in Maharashtra never interfered in the process. On the contrary, they would pull you up if you failed.
The first time I felt that the police had neglected their duty and responsibility to control a communal conflagration was in Gujarat in 2002. Since I had been chosen to restore normalcy in that state in 1985, I knew the officers there and they knew how I had gone about my task. So, when the 2002 riots happened, I decided to go to Ahmedabad to ascertain why the police leadership had failed.
That was the first recorded instance that pitted the political executive’s interests against the standard operating procedures laid down in departmental orders. Detaining mischief-makers on both sides of the communal divide and using all the force required to put down the riots — all this just did not happen.
The rioting in Nuh and Gurugram in Haryana reflects badly on the state government and its police force. Why has Monu Manesar, a notorious Bajrang Dal activist accused of kidnapping two Muslim cattle traders from Rajasthan in February and lynching them in Haryana, been allowed to remain at large? Instead, Monu and his associate, Bittu Bajrangi, circulated their video clips on social media, urging Hindus to join a religious procession organised by the VHP through the streets of Nuh. The BJP seems to have devised a novel method of dealing with the problem of communal strife. It allows the riots to occur and then selectively enforces bulldozer justice to teach the victims a lesson.
It is not as if the police were not aware of Monu’s deep hatred of the Muslims and his intentions. Monu and his colleagues were cow vigilantes, who had been allegedly empowered by the state government to assist the police in enforcing cow protection laws. Because of the semi-official status accorded to him and his men, all owing allegiance to the Bajrang Dal and the VHP, strong-arm units of the Sangh Parivar, the police were intimidated into permitting this rabble-rouser to operate almost freely.
The ploy of organising religious processions through Muslim localities has been used in the past also to provoke Muslims. In my ancestral state of Goa, from where communal clashes had never been reported in colonial times right up to the days of the BJP government of Manohar Parrikar, an attempt to provoke Muslims by organising a religious procession of Hindus through their locality near Vasco was tried sometime after Pramod Sawant was installed as the CM. Mercifully, the native Goan Muslims, who account for just 2 per cent of the state’s population, were not provoked but only amazed! They had never seen such a procession.
In Nuh, it was the bounden duty of the police to disallow the procession that was obviously meant to provoke Muslims. That procession set off a chain reaction that crossed the boundaries of Nuh into Gurugram, where many blue-chip companies have set up their offices. If the government was complicit in the activities of its fellow travellers in the Bajrang Dal, it was short-sighted about their effect on the economy.
The white-collar workers and executives of the blue-chip companies in Gurugram are not going to be amused by the arrival of the rioters on their doorstep. The Haryana Chief Minister should factor this in when he briefs the police chief on how to deal with Monu and his ilk. Of course, it depends on what his priority is. Is he more interested in consolidation of Hindu votes than the state’s and the country’s economic progress? From present accounts of what is happening in the country, consolidation of votes is uppermost on the Parivar’s agenda.
After Narendra Modi was projected as the BJP’s PM face in the 2014 Lok Sabha elections, the party made gains as the votes of poorer Hindus came its way. This was enough to propel the BJP to power in the ‘first past the post’ method of electing legislators.
In 2019, the BJP made bigger gains because of PM Modi’s charisma. That ensured the party 303 seats in the Lok Sabha with a share of 37.4 per cent of the total votes polled. It may not get so many seats in 2024, but because of the absence of a suitable alternative to PM Modi, it still may get more than half the seats in the Lower House. If he does get a third term, the PM has promised to make India a $5-trillion economy, which would be the third-largest economy in the world after those of the US and China.
Every human heart beats with hope. Promises by politicians are never taken seriously, but they continue to make them and prosper. PM Modi had reportedly promised that every Indian would receive Rs 15 lakh in his/her bank account. He had also promised an end to corruption and black money with demonetisation. People will continue to vote for him because the poor have nothing to lose except hope.
The economic miracle PM Modi speaks about may or may not occur. But if at the end of his prospective third term, only the rich become richer and the poor continue to struggle, history may not be kind to him.
On the social front, if Hindutva hotheads insist on going after the minorities, like they are now allowed to do, the hate they have sown will divide the country irretrievably and weaken it to such an extent that no amount of effort would be able to pluck India out of the morass in which it will slowly sink.
Integration of J&K with India absolute, transfer of sovereignty complete, says SC
Noting that integration of Jammu and Kashmir with India was “absolute and complete”, the Supreme Court on Thursday said the Constitution of Jammu and Kashmir can’t be read as a document that retained some element of sovereignty in the state.
“Once Article 1 of the Constitution says that India shall be a Union of States — and that includes the state of Jammu & Kashmir — transfer of sovereignty was complete. We cannot read the post Article 370 Constitution (of Jammu and Kashmir) as somehow a document which retains some element of sovereignty in Jammu & Kashmir,” said Chief Justice of India DY Chandrachud who is heading a five-judge Bench hearing petitions challenging the validity of nullification of Article 370.
Emphasising that “distribution of legislative powers does not impact the sovereignty of India,” the Bench said restraint on Parliament’s powers to make laws on subjects in the State List also applied to states other than Jammu and Kashmir.
“One thing is very clear — that there was no conditional integration of Jammu and Kashmir with India. The integration was absolute and complete in every way. So the only question which remained in a limited sense was if Parliament could exercise the powers,” said the Bench which also included Justice SK Kaul, Justice Sanjiv Khanna, Justice BR Gavai and Justice Surya Kant.
Referring to the Constitution (Application to Jammu and Kashmir) Second Amendment Order, 1972, which amended Article 248 which deals with residuary powers of legislation, the CJI said, “In 1972, Article 248 was amended in relation to its application to J&K. Article 248 was substituted. Now, it says Parliament has exclusive powers to make any laws on prevention of activities towards disrupting sovereignty of India. So, no vestige of sovereignty was retained post Instrument of Accession.”
The CJI’s comments came after senior counsel Zaffar Shah contended on behalf of the Jammu and Kashmir Bar Association that Jammu & Kashmir had constitutional autonomy which came from the Instrument of Accession and Article 370. “If you want to completely integrate, then a merger agreement has to be executed,” Shah said.
“The President and the Union can make laws for any state in the country without their view but not for Jammu and Kashmir,” he submitted.
‘Article 370 can be amended’
The Constitution Bench also observed that “to say that Article 370 is such that it can never be amended is a dangerous thing to say…. Whatever was there in Article 370 has been removed using the machinery of Article 370 itself”.
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