India, in a strongly worded response to Pakistan’s overtures for talks, said victims of terrorism do not sit together with perpetrators of terrorism to discuss terror.
Talks tough on terror
Bilawal is promoter, justifier and spokesperson for terrorism industry which is the mainstay of Pakistan. Victims of terrorism don’t sit together with perpetrators of terrorism. — S Jaishankar, EAM
Rebutting each of the points made by Pakistan Foreign Minister Bilawal Bhutto Zardari in interviews to the media, including the BBC, External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar said he was “a promoter, justifier and spokesperson for a terrorism industry which is the mainstay of Pakistan. These positions were called out at the meeting of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO).”
Speaking after the death of five Indian Army soldiers in a terrorist attack near the Line of Control (LoC) on Friday, Jaishankar said Bilawal’s suggestion to sit together and talk was “hypocritical” and said India was feeling “outraged” by the incident.
Jaishankar had a similar position on China whose readout on the bilateral between him and its Foreign Minister described the situation on the boundary as stable. “That’s not the issue. There is an abnormal position in the border areas. We have to take the disengagement process forward. I have made it very clear. India-China relations will not be normal if peace and tranquillity in the border areas is disturbed.’’
“To suggest that everything else can continue while the central problem is not effectively addressed won’t wash. Both need to be clear about it. We will not go along with it.”
Pointing out that Pakistan’s credibility is depleting even faster than its forex reserves, Jaishankar said Bilawal was speaking from the same old playbook. Only the location of Goa was different.
The minister said Bilawal’s opposition to a G20 meeting to be held in Kashmir had no basis since Pakistan was not even a member of that grouping. “There is no G20 issue to debate. Certainly not with respect to J&K, which was and will always be a part of India. It is completely natural that it will be held in JK. There is only one issue. When does Pak vacate its illegal occupation of J&K?’’ he observed.
On Bilawal’s opening address at the SCO conference where he said the issue of terrorism should not be used to score diplomatic points, the minister said: “We are not scoring diplomatic points. We are exposing Pakistan. As a victim of terrorism, we are authorised to do so. We have put up with it. It speaks so much about the mindset of that country.”
He asked Pakistan to “smell the coffee” regarding its grouse about the abrogation of Article 370 as a violation of international agreements. “370 is history. Sooner the people realise it, the better.” India will also not acquiesce to the request to exclude sports from the freeze in ties with Pakistan. “It is like you’re trying to normalise terrorism. That terrorism happens, so what? It’s not a big deal. Therefore, let us carry on with the rest of life. This India will not accept that anymore. If terrorism happens, it will be countered. Our job is to expose it, to de-legitimise it. We will be unrelenting in that regard. And we will resist any attempt to cover it up by suggesting we do other things. I’m sorry that won’t work.”
3 possible reasons for EAM’s broadside
Bilawal’s interviews where he spoke on Kulbhushan Jadhav’s detention, Article 370, G20 meet in Srinagar and accused Jaishankar of diplomatic point scoring on terrorism
Rajouri attack in which 5 Army men were killed
Elections in Karnataka, where BJP seems to be on backfoot
Sports part of freeze
“It is like you’re trying to normalise terrorism. That terrorism happens, so what? It’s not a big deal. Therefore, let us carry on with the rest of life. This India will not accept that anymore.
On G20 meet in JK
There is no G20 issue… certainly not with respect to J&K. There is only one issue. When does Pak vacate its illegal occupation of J&K?
WHY INDIA’S INDIGENOUS FIGHTER JET PROGRAM HAS HIT TURBULENCE
India’s indigenous fighter jet program appears to have hit some turbulence. Besides delayed funds, apparent indecision on the part of the Joe Biden administration on sharing technology for manufacturing engines for these jets has added to the jeopardy. Some of India’s fighter jet developers also believe the country’s policymakers have probably fallen into the trap of vested international lobbies that do not want India to attain self-reliance in fighter jet technology, including fifth generation stealth jet technology. Last September, the Cabinet Committee on Security (CCS) had cleared Rs 6,500 crore for the project to develop the TEJAS MK-2, a more lethal and upgraded version of India’s homegrown Light Combat Aircraft Tejas. However, the disbursement of funds is believed to have gotten delayed. Similarly, the ongoing project to develop the fifth generation stealth aircraft, named Advanced Medium Combat Aircraft (AMCA), is awaiting nod for the past three years. Both the TEJAS MK-2 and AMCA are planned to be powered by the General Electric F414 engine. It’s an American afterburning turbofan engine in the 22,000-pound (98 kN) thrust class and is produced by GE Aviation. Despite multiple rounds of discussions with US authorities, including during National Security Advisor Ajit Doval’s visit to Washington in February, regarding licensed production of GE F414 engines in India, the matter is stuck with the Biden government. GE is apparently willing to set up an engine manufacturing plant in India in collaboration with Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL) or other private players, but clearance from the US government is awaited. It is estimated that the Indian Air Force (IAF) would require nothing less than 170 TEJAS MK-2 aircraft-equivalent to six squadrons. In addition, the IAF is keen to induct seven squadrons of the AMCA. Given the potentially massive business involved with GE, the Indian government is insisting on transfer of manufacturing technology and production of the engines in the country. “India is only asking for knowhow of the manufacturing, not knowhow of the design. Even then, the US is not agreeing,” said a defence source. “The US probably wants a clear-cut roadmap of India’s plan for producing the aircraft. The US believes it’s only indicators so far and no confirmation on the number of aircraft to be manufactured.” The absence of a roadmap for jet engines has impacted India’s fighter jet programme. The AMCA will put India in a select group of countries with super-cruise and stealth aircraft capabilities-the others being the US, Russia and China. However, a nod is awaited from the government for additional funds to manufacture prototypes. To keep the programme running smoothly, the Aeronautical Development Agency (ADA) of the DRDO (Defence Research and Development Organisation), which is working on the AMCA for the past two decades, has even opened doors for private players to join them in the development of the jet. In February, in a surprise move, the US had brought its F-35 stealth jet for participation at the Aero India 2023 in Bangalore. This was the maiden appearance of the F-35 in India. The US has never offered the fighter jet to India. Sceptics believe the F-35 participation was a bid to divert the attention of India’s stealth jet developers. On the hullabaloo over the F-35’s entry into Indian skies, a defence official said: “Our decision-makers are falling prey to international game and this is delaying India’s fighter jet program. Vested international arms lobbies do not want India to attain this niche technology.”
Russia accused the United States on Thursday of being behind what it says was a drone attack on Moscow’s Kremlin citadel intended to kill President Vladimir Putin.
The United States dismissed Russia’s allegation on Thursday that Washington was behind what it said was a drone attack on the Kremlin, saying Moscow’s assertion was a lie.
“Obviously it’s a ludicrous claim,” White House national security spokesman John Kirby said hours after Russia blamed the United States for what it called an attack aimed at killing President Vladimir Putin.
A day after blaming Ukraine for what it called a terrorist attack, the Kremlin administration shifted the focus onto the United States, but without providing evidence. The White House was quick to reject the charge. — Reuters
Army helicopter crashes in Kishtwar dist, technician dead; probe ordered
An Army technician was killed and two pilots were injured when a helicopter made an emergency landing due to a glitch on the banks of the Marua river in Kishtwar district of Jammu division on Thursday.
The incident took place around 11.15 am when an advanced light helicopter (ALH), Dhruv, which was on an operational mission, crash-landed in an area cut off from the district headquarters due to heavy snow. The technician, identified as CFN (Avn Tech) Pabballa Anil, and the two pilots were evacuated to Command Hospital, Udhampur, where the former succumbed to his injuries.
A court of inquiry has been ordered and further details are being ascertained, the Army said.
A breakthrough on the border issue proved elusive during bilateral talks between External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar and his Chinese counterpart Qin Gang on Thursday, a day ahead of the meeting of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) Foreign Ministers to prepare for the July summit that will see Russian and Chinese Presidents visiting India.
The focus remained on resolving outstanding issues and ensuring peace and tranquillity in the border areas, said Jaishankar in a tweet. Last week, Defence Minister Rajnath Singh had told his Chinese counterpart Li Shangfu that Beijing’s violation of existing border agreements “eroded” the entire basis of ties between the two countries and urged that this issue must be resolved by adhering to the existing pacts.
Jaishankar also met Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov and they discussed outstanding bilateral issues in the wake of the West’s sanctions against Moscow as also “the schedule of upcoming contacts”, which meant Putin’s visit for the SCO summit in Delhi.
Pakistan Foreign Minister Bilawal Bhutto Zardari in Goa for SCO meet. He is the first Pakistan Foreign Minister to visit India in 12 years. ANI
The minister also met his counterpart from Uzbekistan, which has formed a trilateral with India and Iran to effectively utilise the shorter sea-ward transportation route offered by the Chabahar port.
Though Pakistan Foreign Minister Bilawal Bhutto Zardari also arrived here this afternoon directly from Islamabad after India offered a direct flight path to Goa, there was no word of a meeting with Jaishankar. Bilawal, however, held bilaterals with other countries, including Russia.
In his second meeting in three months with the recently appointed Chinese Foreign Minister, Jaishankar said besides the border issue, the two also deliberated on issues relating to the SCO, G20 and BRICS, which will hold its summit in South Africa where Putin faces the possibility of arrest as Johannesburg has ratified the covenant of the International Criminal Court (ICC), which has issued a pre-trial warrant against him.
The Russian Foreign Ministry said during talks with India, the two sides agreed to continue following “the course of building a fair multipolar system of interstate relations” and that the ministers appreciated the dynamics of their cooperation in key areas. This is Lavrov’s second visit to India this year. Like the Chinese Foreign Minister, he had also attended the G20 Foreign Ministers’ meeting in New Delhi in March.
Jaishankar shared a light moment when he asked whether Sergey Lavrov had an opportunity to get some rest and a suntan. Lavrov, who arrived early in the morning, said that he had about an hour and a half to do so but asked Jaishankar not to tell anybody about it.
The Foreign Ministers of the eight-member SCO will consider its expansion after a gap of six years when India and Pakistan were included as full members. This could mean approving Iran as the ninth full member and making five countries Dialogue Partners. These countries are Bahrain, Kuwait, Myanmar, the Maldives and the UAE.
Focus on peace
A discussion with State Councillor and FM Qin Gang of China. Focus on resolving outstanding issues and ensuring peace and tranquillity in the border areas. — S Jaishankar, EAM
Violence over quota row, ‘shoot at sight’ in Manipur
As large-scale rioting broke out last evening across Manipur between tribals and the majority Meitei community, leading to the displacement of over 9,000 people from their villages, the state government today issued ‘shoot at sight’ order in “extreme cases” to contain the alarming situation.
Clashes broke out on Wednesday evening — these intensified overnight with counter-attacks being mounted by rival communities in retaliation to earlier attacks — after Naga and Kuki tribals organised a ‘Tribal Solidarity March’, state government officials said.
The order, issued on behalf of the Governor, said, “‘Shoot at sight’ could be resorted to when persuasion, warning and reasonable force have been exhausted and the situation could not be controlled.”
Meiteis are mostly Hindu; Kuki & Naga tribals in hill dists mainly Christians
Tribal hill dists account for 90% landmass but have fewer Assembly seats
Restrictions on non-tribals buying land trigger ST status demand by Meiteis
Fiftyfive columns of the Army and teams of Assam Rifles and Rapid Action Force (RAF) have been deployed to control the situation. Urging people to maintain peace, Chief Minister N Biren Singh said, “Precious lives have been lost, besides damage of property, which is very unfortunate.” However, the details of the deaths were not immediately available.
Noting that the violence was the result of “misunderstanding” in society, Biren Singh said, “The state government is taking all steps to maintain law and order.”
In a joint exercise, personnel of Army and Assam Rifles staged flag marches in Khuga, Tampa and Khomaujanbba areas of Churachandpur. Flag marches were also carried out in Mantripukhri, Lamphel, Koeirangi area of Imphal Valley and Sugnu in Kakching district on Thursday, according to reports emanating from Imphal, the capital of Manipur.
Union Home Minister Amit Shah today spoke to Manipur CM Biren Singh and took stock of the situation in the state. State government officials said 9,000 people were rescued by the forces from the violence-hit areas and given shelter. More such people are being shifted to safer places
A ‘Tribal Solidarity March’ was organised by the All-Tribal Student Union Manipur (ATSUM) in the 10 hill districts of the state on Wednesday to protest the demand of non-tribal Meiteis, who account for 53 per cent of the state’s population, for Scheduled Tribe (ST) status. Tribals account for about 40 per cent of the state’s population.
Last month, the Manipur High Court had asked the state government to send a recommendation to the Centre within four weeks on the demand for ST status by the Meitei community.
Yesterday, during the march in Torbung area of Churachandpur district, an armed mob allegedly attacked people of the Meitei community, leading to retaliatory attacks in the valley districts, officials said.
Kuldiep Singh made security officer
Former CRPF chief Kuldiep Singh, who has been appointed security adviser, reached Imphal on Thursday.
The 1986-batch IPS officer retired in September last. He also headed the NIA, in additional capacity, as DG
Speaking of thoroughfares, here’s a walk down a memory lane which cuts through a cantonment.
Military cantonments have been in the news due to the opening of some roads which had been closed to civilian traffic for years, due to security concerns. Cantonments were established as composite military-civilian townships, beginning with Danapur (originally known as Bankipore) on the outskirts of Patna, Munger (abandoned), Allahabad and Barrackpore in the third quarter of the 18th century. There is a controversy as to which was the first cantonment to be established, Barrackpore or Danapur. Both claim to have been in continuous existence since August 1765. Within the Cantonments, the military areas were exclusively on Type-A land. These townships also had bazaars, civilian zones and other municipal infrastructure. As the population grew, the isolated cantonments were surrounded by new or expanding older townships. The civilian population within the cantonments also grew. This led to the demand for thoroughfares through the Cantonments both from within and without, which impinged upon the security of the military areas.
Common sense dictates that a balance needs to be struck. One cannot have an absolutist approach either way – unrestricted access to civilians or a complete denial of passage over security issues.
The Cantonment Board which manages a cantonment is an elected body. The president of the Cantonment Board is ex officio the station commander, known as the local military authority. However, the real executive authority lies with the Chief Executive Officer, who is appointed by the defence estates department, which is directly under the Defence Ministry. He is not in the military chain of command. For efficient functioning, the CEO must be placed under the direct command of the local military authority, as was the case a decade and a half ago.
To strike a balance, the control of the cantonment can be revised. Military stations can be created based on Type-A land. These areas should be exclusively military areas to be managed by the armed forces, with no thoroughfare allowed. The rest of the Cantonment can be managed as is being done now with the CEO being placed under the local military authority. Another alternative is to create cocooned flyovers and underground roads for movement of civilians.
As an army kid and as an army officer, I have lived in or visited almost all major cantonments in India. Let me sketch for the readers the life in a cantonment in the 1950s. Agra Cantonment was established in 1805 after the Bengal Army defeated the Marathas. It was a relatively small Cantonment laid out to the south-west of the Red Fort and the Taj Mahal. In 1950, Agra was much smaller, with a population 3,68,000, as compared to 17,60,300 in 2011 census. The population of the Cantonment was approximately 5 to 6 thousand concentrated around the railway station to the west and Sadar Bazar to the east. There was a distinct separation of the city from the Cantonment.
In 1952, my father was commanding 17 Sikh at Agra. From the age of four to six, 1952-1956, I along with the family stayed in a huge bungalow on The Mall, adjoining the Grand Hotel which still exists, a kilometre away from the Agra Cantonment railway station. The mall roads were an essential feature of all cantonments in the British era. Literally meaning a sheltered walk or promenade, but named to remind the British about ‘The Mall’, the tree-lined boulevard in St James Park, London. Most of the mall roads were renamed as Mahatma Gandhi roads after Independence, but in Agra, it is now called the Prithviraj Road.
The memories are still vivid and have been rejuvenated by a number of visits with the last being in 2008 as an Army Commander.
The Cantonment, like all others, was well laid-out with wide roads and state-of-the-art infrastructure. The drainage system was unique. It had huge underground open drains with a roof, running alongside the main roads. There were six-foot by three-foot entry/exit points every 200 yards, with steps for cleaning the drains. It was a great adventure to get into the tunnel from one entry/exit point and walk along the drain and come out of the next. Even today, I marvel at the engineering and the hygiene standards maintained. Dry sanitation was extremely well-managed by Cantonment Board workers in dungarees, wearing gloves and gumboots.
The Sadar Bazar at the eastern end was well planned and the army personnel enjoyed great respect. Credit was readily extended to us naughty children by the ice cream and confectionery shops as they knew that their dues will be cleared once the parents were presented the monthly bill. The bazaar was tailor-made for the needs of the garrison and kept spotlessly clean. Once, my father ordered a bicycle for my brother. We were amused to see the overweight Lala Ji (shop owner) huffing and puffing while carrying the bicycle on his shoulders from the Sadar Bazar to our house two kilometres away. To our naughty queries he replied, “Colonel Sahib ka cycle haina, agar tyre gande ho jate toh main kahin ka na rehta (it is the Colonel’s cycle, if the tyres had got dirty, I would have lost face). Such was the prestige of the Army those days.
To the south were the military barracks with precise symmetry you find only in the Cantonments. On The Mall was also located the Military Hospital where the Military Nursing Officers still dressed in spotless white almost like Florence Nightingale did a 100 years before. Most officers lived in independent bungalows. A number of churches dotted the Cantonment. There were still a fair number of English folks who were yet to emigrate, as also a large Anglo-Indian community. The ladies still wore skirts with old-style stockings with a seam at the back. As children, we used to wonder how all the English and Anglo-Indian ladies had similar injuries and scars behind their calves.
The main mode of conveyance was the tonga and there were regular tonga stands like the taxi stands today. The cycle rickshaws were very few. The tonga stands had their own charm. Apart from two or three tongas that remained in readiness, others were parked in neat rows with untethered horses munching grain from buckets around their necks. It was the children’s duty to fetch the tongas when the family had to travel anywhere.
Officers generally commuted on bicycles. Soldiers could not afford to buy bicycles and hired them from the Sadar Bazar at the rate of four annas (25 paise) per day. The Cantonment Board had by today’s standards, draconian enforcement of rules with respect to hygiene and sanitation and other municipal functions. All cycles, rickshaws and tongas had to display municipal tax tokens prominently. Tonga and rickshaws also had to have dippers and kerosene lamps to ply at night. Stray dogs were ruthlessly culled with poison. All civilian bungalows and houses had to have a specific approved design and no modifications were allowed.
Sports were a major preoccupation of the military those days. Over the years, a large number of sports teams also emerged from the civilian population of the Cantonments. The great Dhyan Chand and his brother, Roop Chand were products of the Jhansi Cantonment. The inter-unit or open tournaments were held with great pageantry, complete with unit bands and cheering spectators.
Sunday was a day for picnics in the numerous gardens of Agra, of which the Company Bagh – named after the East India Company – another notable feature of all cantonments, was the most popular.
The Taj Mahal and the Red Fort stood in splendid isolation on the banks of the Yamuna. Barring a cluster of old buildings of Taj Gunj to the south, the Taj Mahal had no other construction in its vicinity. A fortnightly visit to the famous monuments of Agra was a ritual. I have visited the Taj Mahal at every time of the day and during the full moon. As children, we memorised the narrations of the tourist guides and at times literally replaced them to the amusement of the visitors. Times were liberal. Every three months or so, the officers of the entire garrison on full moon nights partied on the rooftop of one of the sarais just across the road from the main entrance of the Taj Mahal. The revelry continued until the wee hours of the morning with the white dome and minarets of the Taj Mahal providing the backdrop.
Shikaar or hunting was another preoccupation of the officers of that era. The countryside around Agra was full of wildlife. There was plenty of Black Buck and Chinkara deer. Gharial (Indian river crocodile) could still be shot on the banks of the Yamuna. Partridge-and Duck-hunting on the wing were extremely popular. Officers would venture out in pairs on their bicycles with their Cocker Spaniel hunting dogs sitting in the bicycle baskets, with saddle bags hanging from the rear carrier. They rendezvoused with an old village shikari who organised the day’s shoot. Sometimes, the unit officers hired a small military truck at the rate of four annas (25 paise) to a mile (1.6 kilometres) for a larger shikaar party. As children, we accompanied such shikaar parties and were taught the nuances of hunting. I learnt my shooting with my father’s.22 Rifle in the large compound of our bungalow. At the age of six, I became a marksman and remain one till date. In an earlier column, I had described the only recorded killing of a tigress with a bayonet by Sepoy Sucha Singh of 17 Sikh.
Apart from the shop owners of the Sadar Bazar and their staff, the rest of the population of the cantonment were either employers of the Cantonment Board or working as cooks, aayahs, maalis, dhobis and safaiwalas. Wages were low and for ₹140 one could employ a complete “set”, who stayed either in the servant quarters of the bungalows or in the nearby dedicated areas. The cantonment had a number of dhobi ghats with old-style, raised, cement-washing boards and bhatties (mud-based, improvised steaming ovens) for “steam-washing” the white clothes which were the universal dress for summers – both for the rich and the poor. The good khansamas (cooks) who were paid ₹ 40 -50 per month would give a five-star chef the run for his money.
The entire cantonment functioned like a Utopian small town. Alas, nothing like this exists anywhere in India today. Even the modern-day, exclusive military station is a poor cousin of the vintage cantonment. Needless to say, all this was too good to last as India progressed. What we see today is a mere shadow of what the life in the cantonments was up till the Seventies. The cantonments have adapted and will continue to do so in the future. However, it would be a pity if these oases are subsumed by the advancing urban desert.
In 2008, as an Army Commander, I inspected Agra Cantonment. All I could say, at the end of the visit, with due apologies to John Milton, was – “paradise lost!”
Plan to de-merge civil areas needs careful execution
THE picturesque Yol in Kangra district of Himachal Pradesh has become the first to shed its cantonment tag. With this, the Ministry of Defence has set in motion the designation of military areas within most of the 62 cantonments in the country as military stations and merge the civil areas with the municipalities. Army and civilian pockets are intertwined in some cantonments, making segregation difficult. The contention is that the bifurcation policy would be beneficial for all stakeholders. It will help civilians who were not getting access to state government welfare schemes. The Centre claims that since cantonments have become unmanageable, the move would enable strengthening of security, simplification of land management and prevention of encroachments.
Nearly 1.6 lakh acres fall within the cantonments. Cantonment Boards, which include representatives of local military authorities, control the affairs, including the construction of buildings, land conversion and civic amenities. The approval process is long and, hence, can be frustrating. The Board staff will be absorbed and assets taken over by the civic bodies. The new policy is expected to bring fiscal prudence in defence management. Excision of cantonments has been a popular demand from civilian residents, but concerns remain of the powerful politician-builder lobby resorting to wanton construction. The plan needs careful execution and scrutiny, with ample scope for bringing in changes.
The Centre’s decision is being labelled as a departure from the archaic colonial practice of creating cantonments, which had served a valuable purpose. They were built outside cities, ensuring privacy, smooth conduct of training and adequate space for storage of military equipment. Rapid development and increasing population resulted in a lot of changes, but restrictions ensured a check on violations. Having a sanitised belt around military stations is vital. Buildings sprouting all over can prove to be a huge security risk. A clean and healthy environment is the hallmark of every cantonment. One can only hope that at least an effort will be made in the de-merged areas to retain a semblance of discipline.
The best option could be to convert the existing five Army commands (Eastern, Central, Northern, Western and South Western) into ITCs. The South Western ITC could have a commander from the IAF, with some role (deploying IAF resources) in the Arabian Sea in support of the Navy. These ITCs would have integrated staff. As for the IOR, there should be three ITCs — first for the Arabian Sea, second for the Bay of Bengal and third for the Andaman and Nicobar Islands.
Lt Gen Harwant Singh (Retd)
Military Commentator
RIGHT after Independence, the requirement of a Chief of Defence Staff (CDS) was felt. The proposal for adopting the CDS system was floated by the first Governor General of independent India, Lord Mountbatten, who had first-hand experience of a unified command. This proposal was cold-shouldered by Jawaharlal Nehru, the then Prime Minister.
Also ReadThereafter, the proposal was simply put aside. Consequent to the Kargil War, the need to adopt this system came up again. While the Subrahmanyam Committee took up a number of issues, it left out the all-important requirement for some reason. It was thanks to the Arun Singh Committee, based on my presentation to it on the imperatives of adopting the system in its full play (with integrated theatre commands or ITCs), that this issue was taken up. To start with, I had recommended two ITCs (besides one mountain corps for the Tibet border) — one for the Andaman and Nicobar Islands and the other being the northern ITC. To allay misapprehensions of the IAF, the first theatre commander of the northern ITC should be an Air Force officer with integrated staff from the IAF and the Army. The remaining ITCs were to come up subsequently in a phased manner. However, only the Andaman and Nicobar ITC was formed.
Finally, in August 2019, the post of CDS was announced by the PM (not as an Act of Parliament) and a committee under the National Security Adviser met to formulate the role and powers of the CDS. In January 2020, Gen Bipin Rawat assumed office as CDS.
As far as constituting integrated theatre commands is concerned, no operational role has been assigned to the CDS. It is consequent to the formulation of overall strategic war plans related to a two- or even three-front war (China, Pakistan and Indian Ocean Region) that integrated theatre commands would be constituted. In determining their composition and areas of responsibility, a range of factors need to be considered. These include the terrain, enemy capabilities in each sector, where to be completely on the defensive, where to stage an offensive defence and, finally, where an all-out offensive is to be launched.
With no operational responsibility and command over ITCs, General Rawat went ahead and recommended only two ITCs for the entire land border of the country and one maritime ITC for the entire Indian Ocean Region (IOR).
Possibly, General Rawat, in recommending only one ITC for the northern border with Tibet and a part of PoK, tried to copy the PLA (People’s Liberation Army of China) on the one hand and bring about a reduction in the number of commands (army and IAF) on the other.
It is both possible and convenient for the PLA to have a single command on the Tibet plateau due to the type of terrain and excellent road and rail system laterally and to various points on the LAC. On the Indian side, the terrain is of high mountains and deep valleys, with poor road connectivity, both to specific points on the LAC and laterally, making movement difficult and slow
This one northern ITC would cover the borders with Bangladesh, Myanmar, Tibet, Nepal, Bhutan and parts of PoK. The second ITC extends from parts of PoK down to the Rann of Kutch. The third (maritime ITC) is for the entire IOR. Three ITCs for this vast land border and sea frontage would be inadequate.
The best option could be to convert the existing five Army commands (Eastern, Central, Northern, Western and South Western) into ITCs. The South Western ITC could have a commander from the IAF, with some role (deploying IAF resources) in the Arabian Sea in support of the Navy.
These ITCs would have integrated staff. As for the IOR, there should be three ITCs — first for the Arabian Sea, second for the Bay of Bengal and third for the Andaman and Nicobar Islands.
While the CDS must be the overall operational commander, the existing Integrated Defence HQ should form a part of the CDS HQ and this setup must stand independent of the Ministry of Defence (MoD).
The IAF continues to have some misgivings and reservations on the adoption of the ITC concept. It is contended that air power is highly flexible and can be applied across a wide front on a range of targets, as a whole or in smaller components. Further, the present number of squadrons is inadequate and their distribution among the ITCs would mitigate against the fuller application of air power at critical enemy targets. General Rawat further muddied the waters by equating air power with artillery on the one hand and pitching for submarines instead of aircraft carriers on the other, to the consternation of the Navy’s top brass.
These observations of the IAF do not hold good, when subjected to a detailed analysis. While currently, the squadron strength is down to 32, this will soon have to be raised to 45, perhaps more. Their distribution among the ITCs would be based on a detailed examination of tasks of each ITC. Secondly, under certain requirements, the CDS can temporarily switch IAF resources from one ITC to another for specific missions, as is being currently done by the IAF. Air Chief Marshal VR Chaudhari appears to be reconciled to the idea of integrating the efforts of all three services.
Till date, we import almost 70 per cent of defence weapons and equipment, even though we have had over four dozen DRDO establishments, an equal number of ordnance factories and over a dozen defence PSUs. These establishments need major changes in their working.
The Department of Military Affairs in the MoD, instead of being headed by the CDS, should have a three-star defence services officer with integrated staff to direct and control the working of the four establishments — the DRDO, ordnance factories, defence PSUs and DG quality assurance. It would, in practice, replace the Secretary, Defence Production. This one change will, for sure, bring about a sea change in the output of these establishments and be an appropriate step towards self-reliance in defence weaponry and equipment.
Equally, it would be premature to ban the import of such a large number of defence equipment in the hope that the same would be made in India. We have to first establish acceptable quality of such locally produced equipment before banning their import. What must not be overlooked is the importance of the quality of such equipment in war-fighting.
Technology, be it cyber, space, artificial intelligence or drones, is making deep inroads into warfare and will play a pivotal role in the times to come. Therefore, modernisation of the defence forces cannot be put on the backburner any longer. Those playing the no-war tune do not seem to hear the Dragon knocking at the country’s doors.
Indian Army to get its new headquarters building Thal Sewa Bhavan by 2025
