Monthly Archives: August 2018

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Gp Capt Murli Menon (Retd)

Defence analyst

THE ‘Global War on Terrorism’, launched by the US after the 9/11 attacks, has run out of steam following its chaotic withdrawal from Afghanistan in 2021. American priorities regarding terrorism have traditionally centred around its own interests, leading to ambivalence towards entities such as Pakistan-based Lashkar-e-Taiba chief Hafiz Saeed and fugitive underworld don Dawood Ibrahim. Almost 15 years after the Mumbai terror attacks, a US court recently consented to India’s request, submitted through the US government, for the extradition of Pakistani-origin Canadian businessman Tahawwur Rana, who is a 26/11 accused along with Hafiz and others. It was in 2019 that India had declared Hafiz, Dawood and Jaish-e-Mohammed chief Masood Azhar as terrorists under the amended Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act.

Recent incidents in Syria have strengthened the case of terror-hit nations such as India to undertake remedial action. Late last month, the Turkish intelligence forces claimed to have neutralised ISIS leader Abu al-Hussein al-Husseini al-Qurashi. Earlier, US forces, along with the Syrian Democratic Army in one case and by the Central Command in another, took out two prominent ISIS leaders in northern Syria — Hamza al-Homsi and Ayyd Ahmad al-Jabouri. All three were killed apparently in airstrikes.

Having suffered cross-border terrorism for over three decades, India ought to have an actionable, prioritised ‘terror target’ list. Freedom from terror would be a mandatory prerequisite for the nation to fulfil its economic and strategic aspirations. Accurate intelligence and precision strike capabilities would be the bulwark of any effective aerial counter-terror campaign. It’s also time to look at ‘grey zone’ operations, such as special forces and intelligence-based hard kills. The advent of military jet packs and body suits for paratroopers offers interesting possibilities to augment the surprise element of the special forces. To achieve force multiplication, the integration of the Garud Commando Force and MARCOS (Marine Commandos) with the counter-terror campaign would be well advised.

The April 20 Poonch ambush makes it clear that there will be no let-up in terror attacks. Even as former Pakistan army chief Gen Qamar Javed Bajwa has admitted in an interview that his country’s army is ill-equipped to wage a conventional war against India, a desperate Pakistani establishment could opt for more terror strikes along the LoC.

Air power has been the preferred option — virtually the silver bullet — for nations to deal with international and cross-border terrorism. India’s reluctance to take recourse to this vital element of military firepower against terrorist elements could, perhaps, be on account of the government’s fear of aggravation of the existing conflict. Deniability, therefore, becomes an important aspect of any modern air-launched anti-terror campaign, pushing the case for India to have special forces and UAV capabilities built into the force framework. A parallel strategy would be political and military signalling. The 2019 Balakot airstrikes, executed days after the Pulwama terror attack, were an example of conveying a stern message effectively.Advertisement

Military Operations Other Than War (OOTW) such as PsyOps and cyber warfare are other doctrinally exploitable options to achieve results in a counter-terror campaign. Improvements in hard-kill capabilities of UAVs (both in terms of potency of warheads and secure, unjammable means of guidance), along with improved electronic intelligence-gathering techniques, would weigh in favour of the attacker. Circumstances would dictate whether fighter aircraft, attack helicopter or drone-based neutralisation of terrorist entities is optimal. Besides, these have the advantage of limiting collateral damage, especially in hair-trigger situations.

Advancements in night vision optics and improved stand-off ranges further facilitate the execution of an air war on terror targets. Aggressive and continuous training would be important, too, to form a competent team of combat pilots and support teams specially picked for the role. Needless to say, given the timely decision-making and political will to push for results, punitive airstrikes would be the best option to make a statement against a terror-mongering neighbour. An all-out war may not be a strategically viable option.

Notwithstanding the perception that India would desist from taking strong action against terror elements operating from Pakistan during its current presidency of the G20 and the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation, there is a need to prepare the armed forces for any eventuality. The latest drone attack on Russian President Vladimir Putin’s Moscow palace, regardless of the controversy over who actually carried it out, would bolster the viability of drones to neutralise major targets. Despite limitations in range and effective hardware, the Ukrainians managed to send a strong message to the Russian leadership. Accurate intelligence and more capable drone guidance technologies would enable enhanced anti-terror airstrikes in various parts of the globe.Advertisement

India’s indigenous drone programme needs to deliver expeditiously in this area, more so since cutting-edge technology for such targeting would not be readily available in the international market. We have the wherewithal in terms of indigenous space-based assets to facilitate remote UAV targeting. It is little wonder that even the proposed sixth-generation US Next Generation Air Dominance platforms would have integral drones, indicating the inevitable shift towards unmanned aerial warfare.

Lt Gen Raj Kadyan (Retd)

LIFE, at times, provides a humbling experience. We were driving from Brussels to Paris. To avoid the tedium of the autoroute, we took the national road. The weather suddenly turned nasty, with heavy rain and lashing winds. Passing through Compiegne, 70 km northeast of Paris, as I crested a flyover, the car engine gave an unhealthy jerk and died. I failed to revive it despite repeated attempts.

Leaving my wife in the car, I walked towards a roadside telephone booth. I was struggling to open the umbrella against the gale when a car coming from behind screeched to a halt. ‘You aive a probleme?’ the man at the wheel asked with the typical French thriftiness with the letter ‘h’.

As I nodded, he asked me to get in. I sat in the rear seat beside his fishing gear, while the man and his female companion were in the front.

Some 5 km outside the town, he stopped in front of a garage. Asking me to keep sitting, he ran inside through the stormy rain. Recalling the unhappy experience of a friend who had been conned in similar circumstances, my thoughts turned negative. I wondered why he had come this far when other garages were there in the town itself. Did he have some interest in this garage? Maybe he owned it, I said to myself.

I saw him talking to a person in greasy overalls, though I could not hear their conversation. I read a meaning in each gesture and prepared myself for a rip-off.

Coming back, he said, ‘We will aive to go to another garage.’

We did a U-turn and drove back past my car into the heart of the town. He found a bigger garage and repeated the drill of going inside while asking me to remain seated. ‘Maybe he did not get a lucrative cut earlier?’ my pessimistic thinking continued. I could not help touching my pocket to feel the wallet.

‘The manager says he will get your voiture (car) repaired,’ said the man, now completely drenched. He opened the car door for me to alight. I tried to detect a hint of triumph in his smile.

As I walked up to the manager, I heard the car behind me start and drive away. ‘Where has he gone?’ I asked. The manager looked at me curiously. ‘Don’t you know him?’ I enquired.

‘No, monsieur, he does not belong to this town. He was only driving through when he noticed that you needed help.’

‘But…?’ and the words failed me. I ran out in the rain, but he was gone. I suddenly felt dwarfed, seized by guilt over my evil thoughts, made worse by the realisation that I would never be able to trace and thank the angel; I had not even noted down his car’s registration number.

Later, when I shared my thoughts with her, my wife remarked, ‘The world is full of good people.’

‘It indeed is,’ I said. ‘The really “good” ones don’t even seek anything in return.’

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Luv Puri

Journalist and Author

HAMARI Fauj Hamara Fakr (our army, our pride) is the slogan on one of the banners hanging in the busy streets of Karachi, Pakistan’s prime financial city, as the Pakistani establishment — a term colloquially used to refer to the Pakistani army — carries out its damage-control exercise after the embarrassing scenes of May 9. Ever since that episode, marked by rioting, including violence on the premises of army installations, the establishment has struck back, with thousands of political activists arrested.

First, it will be wrong to see the developments over the last few weeks as something of a revolt against the Pakistani army and a cry for civilian control. It is inherently a power struggle in which a former protege of the Pakistani army, ie former Prime Minister Imran Khan, has become a Frankenstein’s monster. The victimisation of Imran and his supporters is a replay of how he as the PM dealt with the then Opposition and critics. In view of the vicious verbal attacks by Imran against the Pakistani army leadership, the reaction of the deep state has been ruthless.

At the core of this saga is the ego tussle between current army chief Gen Asim Munir and Imran. It goes back to Gen Munir’s tenure as the ISI Director General (DG) when he had apprised the then PM Imran about the alleged corrupt dealings of his wife, which had resulted in his (DG’s) transfer.

Second, the power struggle comes in the background of a perceived politicisation of the judiciary. The 18th Amendment to the Pakistan Constitution, passed by the National Assembly on April 8, 2010, aimed to plug the structural anomalies that had arisen because of repeated military coups. It gave a semblance of federal autonomy to the provinces and the Eighth Amendment to the Constitution of Pakistan that gave the power to the President to dismiss any elected government was removed. The then ruling Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) leadership agreed to the passing of the 19th Amendment in December 2010, which diluted the power of the parliament to consider the conduct of judges and their appointments.Advertisement

Recently, Pakistan’s Foreign Minister Bilawal Bhutto Zardari informed the parliament that they had had to compromise in passing this provision. This was a hint to the fact that otherwise, the then Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry may have declared the 18th Amendment as a negation of the basic structure of the constitution. In the ratifying body of the appointment of judges — the Judicial Commission of Pakistan — there is a six-judge majority in the nine-member commission. In this connection, Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) leader Mariam Nawaz’s recent public utterances against Chief Justice Umar Ata Bandial after he allowed bail to Imran are not a surprise. Interestingly, the judge next in line to the post of chief justice is considered to be not to Imran’s liking.

Three, going by the social media metric, it may seem that Imran is invincible electorally. This may be true in a given context as apart from people being smitten by his celebrity appeal and the establishment of a premier cancer charitable hospital by him, a considerable percentage of the urban and semi-urban population is tired of baradari (caste-based) politics.

However, the PML-N’s control over Punjab, which is the most populous and electorally decisive province in Pakistan, cannot be underestimated. The prevalent structure of baradari politics in rural areas with a population of 70 million against 40 million in the urban areas of Punjab is a factor that cannot be ignored. In many contexts, across the world, we have seen that the social media metric and street power are not the same as the electoral strength on the ground. In this regard, the PML-N, founded in 1988, has considerable political capital as also skills to influence the verdict in Punjab. This was manifested in its recent political engagements with local actors such as the Chaudharys of the PML-Q (Quaid-e-Azam) in the Gujrat area of Punjab. The case of the PPP’s cadre in the non-Karachi area of Sindh is no different.Advertisement

Four, like in other parts of the Global South where the army is the predominant institution, the Pakistani army has mastered the art of machination required to thwart internal critics questioning its supremacy. It has launched a campaign to bring the “arsonists who attacked the civil and military installations to justice through trial under relevant laws, including the Pakistan Army Act and Official Secrets Act.”

The resignation of some senior leaders of the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) and the toning down of Imran’s tirade against the army leadership in the past few days indicate that these actions have had an effect.

Overall, the fundamentals of Pakistan’s internal polity remain as they were before May 9. This is also true of the external factors that possibly influence its polity. After he lost the no-confidence motion in parliament, Imran accused the Joe Biden administration of being instrumental in the ‘regime change’ as he had refused to give Pakistani airbases or airspace to the US for its counter-terrorism operations. There is no such grandstanding now. In fact, through various interviews and reported hiring of lobbyists in the US, efforts have been made to improve his ties with the Biden administration.Advertisementhttps://6e13fd6e218cff2a8feaa2db4b762de5.safeframe.googlesyndication.com/safeframe/1-0-40/html/container.html

India-bashing and Kashmir-related rhetoric are potent toolkits for politicians to increase their popularity in Pakistan. Imran is no different. In contrast to Imran’s allies, the current alliance partners — the PPP and PML-N — are experienced entities. They know that political will is not the only vector in the conciliation efforts with India as they involve heavy lifting on many fronts.

On the whole, the international community should be careful about perceiving the current power struggle in Pakistan as a fight for civilian supremacy. It is innately a classic tussle between powerful individuals and institutions that have become adept at selectively using the lexicon of democracy, rule of law and the Constitution to their advantage.

Lt Gen Pradeep Bali (Retd)

Military Commentator

THE Doklam plateau, which was the scene of a 72-day tense standoff between the Indian Army and the Chinese PLA in 2017, has been in the news this year. Bhutanese PM Lotay Tshering said in an interview to a Belgian publication in March that China was an equal party to the boundary dispute in this region, regarding the location of the tri-junction between India-China-Bhutan. This would have seemed innocuous enough, were it not for the fact that by tacitly accepting the need to trilaterally discuss the Chinese claim lines in its south-west region neighbouring India, Bhutan is treading on India’s core security concerns. The Chinese have laid claim to areas up till Mount Gyemochen in south-east Sikkim. This lies around 8 km further south of Batang La, the present tri-junction, and the claim covers the entire area of the Doklam plateau, comprising 60-odd square km of undulating terrain, which lies in the Haa district of Bhutan. Any shifting of the tri-junction south will not only make Doklam Chinese territory, but their boundary would then rest on the Jampheri ridge, the highest feature in this area after which the mountain ranges roll southwards for 40 km through Bhutan, before reaching the border with India, on the northern edge of the Siliguri corridor.

Incidentally, the only settled border along the entire stretch of 3,488 km of the LAC was in Sikkim. The joint statement issued during Chinese premier Wen Jiabao’s visit to India in 2005 clearly stated that China recognised “Sikkim state of the Republic of India”. Wen even handed over an official map of the People’s Republic of China to the Indian PM, accepting the legitimacy of the India-China border in Sikkim. The 220-km-long boundary in this sector starts at the tri-junction between India, Bhutan and China, at Batang La in south-east Sikkim and then runs north along the Dongkya range. It is this point at Batang La which China now wants to push further south, thereby claiming the entire Doklam and getting closer to India’s Siliguri corridor, which connects the country to its North-East.

In June 2017, when the Indian Army crossed the watershed at Doka La into Bhutanese territory to physically stop the PLA from constructing a road towards the Jampheri ridge, the Bhutanese government had been somewhat subdued in their denouncement of the Chinese intrusion. China has also occupied areas in western Bhutan across the Amo Chu river and settled three border villages, thereby broadening the tip of the Chumbi Valley, which lies between India and Bhutan. Surprisingly, the Bhutanese government has denied that there are Chinese installations within its territories.

Apparently to soothe frayed tempers in Delhi, the King of Bhutan, on a three-day visit to India in the first week of April, made all the politically correct gestures and the joint statement reiterated that “India and Bhutan share an exemplary relationship, which is characterised by trust, goodwill and mutual understanding”.

Looking beyond this, it is apparent that Bhutan sees building bridges with China as imperative. Its Foreign Minister mentioned an early resolution of border disputes with China, on the sidelines of the Indian Ocean Conference at Dhaka, on May 13. It may be more than willing to trade off the Doklam territory, including some pockets east of Amo Chu where Chinese villages have come up, in exchange for the much larger disputed areas of Pasalmlung and Jakarlung, totalling about 500 sq km, along its northern border with China. It may also be looking at greater economic benefits by further opening relations with China. The Bhutanese monarchy has mostly been pro-India in its public stance. However, given the internal complexities of the ‘Hermit Kingdom’, where the influence of the monarchy and the monastic order may be waning somewhat, the aspirations of an increasingly democratic Bhutan cannot be wished away.Advertisementhttps://c59ac78e42d4cab5b720b09433cf0059.safeframe.googlesyndication.com/safeframe/1-0-40/html/container.html

Still, India has a lot going for it in this part of its geography. The threat to the Siliguri corridor due to the sudden decrease in width as the Indian territory extends eastwards, with Nepal, Bangladesh and Bhutan hedging in this area from the west, east and north, is overhyped. The shortest expanse is 20 km between the border checkpoints of Kakarbhitta on the India-Nepal border and Changrabandha on the India-Bangladesh border. The width of the Indian territory between Bhutan and Bangladesh is 43 km at its narrowest. From Jampheri, in south Bhutan, it is over 40 km of undeveloped mountainous terrain till the Indian border.

The Indian territory may well be visible from Jampheri through high-powered optical devices, but the PLA can observe it just as easily from much further north through satellites and high-altitude drones and engage it with various long-range systems, if required.

The real Indian strength lies in the umbilical economic linkages and it would be difficult if not impossible for China to replicate India-Bhutan ties in this aspect. Power from Chukha, Tala, Mangdechhu and other hydel projects built with Indian assistance is generated mostly to India, yielding a steady source of income to Bhutan. Further, the Bhutanese Ngultrum and Indian Rupee are tied at an (artificial) exchange rate of 1:1, administered by the Indian RBI. This by itself is a huge economic boost to Bhutan. Easy access to large Indian urban habitations in the Siliguri region, business centres, trade routes and most importantly, the land link between eastern and western Bhutan through the Indian territory, are vital for it. Any diminution in this economic linkage will severely impact Bhutan. China cannot match any of the above win-win factors but is following a predatory economic diplomacy. Then again, the Bhutanese are nobody’s fools and quite shrewd in making out what is good for them.Advertisement

The Chinese ingress into western Bhutan, whether by tacit understanding or otherwise, may not immediately threaten the Siliguri corridor. However, this possibility necessitates re-calibration of the Indian Army deployment on the Bhutan border, with the area south of Jampheri requiring increased attention. The armed forces will surely have come to grips with this matter.

What India needs to build upon is its positive relationship with Bangladesh, so that it becomes a permanent feature beyond political regime changes. It needs to increasingly work on obtaining free transit facilities through northern Bangladesh, adjacent to the Siliguri corridor, and seek to jointly develop communication infrastructure in this area, and also transport corridors, gas and oil pipelines and rail networks.

The khap panchayats and farmer organisations from the district organised a public meeting at the Khatkar toll plaza on the Jind-Chandigarh today to express solidarity with the wrestlers demanding justice in a sexual harassment case against Wrestling Federation of India (WFI) chief Brij Bhushan Sharan Singh.

Asked about the silence of the ruling BJP over the issue, Malik said they had become arrogant

K. P. Nayar

Strategic

THE fatigue over the war in Ukraine, which will complete 15 months on May 24, is suddenly over for many people who had become tired of the same headlines and images, as often happens in conflicts which seem to have no end in sight.

The fatigue is over not only because of spectacular claims by Ukraine to have shot down 29 out of 30 Russian missiles fired at Kyiv in one night, including the ‘unstoppable’ Kinzhal hypersonic ballistic weapon and similar others fired from land, sea and air. Ukraine’s claims have been upheld, at least partially, by some photos and videos of missiles being shot down over sea and against the backdrop of Kyiv’s skyline of historic, domed Orthodox churches. The shots have been riveting.

The war fatigue got a pause when Volodymyr Zelenskyy, the President of Ukraine, got out of round-necked, collarless T-shirts, which had become his trademark dress since the start of the war. Last Friday, he landed in Jeddah in a polo shirt with army shades, a very welcome sartorial change. As a concession to conservative Arab sensitivities in dress code, Zelenskyy’s polo shirt had long sleeves and covered every bit of skin, except his palms, head and face. It was appropriate etiquette at the Arab League Summit, a welcome change from his speech to the 77th UN General Assembly last September in a creasy Henley shirt with round neckline and placket sleeves — an affront to protocol and diplomatic decorum.

Defying Russian air attacks and appearing with immaculately dressed world leaders on the streets of his capital in those almost shabby T-shirts may have been Zelenskyy’s way of making a statement, but after more than a year of it, such antics by a sitting President had become tiresome. The President showing his biceps may or may not boost the confidence of Ukrainians who have been living dangerously, but for many people across the world, it is not in good taste.

The recent changes did not come by accident. Slowly, but surely, Ukraine is beginning to give as good as it gets from Russia. Ukraine is no longer as much of an underdog that it was when the war started. Rescuing itself from overnight weapons, which were hitherto considered invincible, is only part of the new confidence manifesting in Kyiv.

Zelenskyy’s machinery appears to have succeeded in activating its thousands of sleeper cells, which have always existed inside Russia. Nearly six million ethnic Ukrainians live in Russia, according to reliable statistics, a leftover of history from centuries of mutual integration through proximity and politics. In any such circumstance, there would be thousands of people who are willing to act as a fifth column for their original fatherland. Reports have emerged that the unmanned drones which were shot down over the Kremlin sky at the beginning of this month were actually fired by this fifth column from inside Russia. That is how they avoided detection, which would have occurred had they been on flight from Ukrainian territory. Increasing acts of sabotage and destruction to property in Russia also point to successes in activating Ukrainian sleeper cells within Russia. The situation is similar to cross-border terrorism that is exported by Pakistan to India.

It is very likely that the tide may be turning for Ukraine in the war because of the sophisticated, state-of-the-art weaponry that Zelenskyy has finally received from his allies in the West. It is likely that secretly, North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) personnel are operating these high-tech defensive equipment such as anti-missile batteries which have reached Kyiv. Greater precision in hitting Russian military targets also points to NATO involvement.

It is to match a turn in the tide of war that Zelenskyy is getting an image makeover. He arrived for the Group of Seven Summit in Hiroshima (May 19-21) in a deep brown windcheater with a hood. Not yet in a jacket with a tie. Two days before he landed in Jeddah in his polo shirt, his wife, First Lady Olena Zelenska, spoke at one of Seoul’s highest-profile media events dressed in a thick, partially military-style green dress that extended from her lower neck to well below her knees. Gone was her casual appearance familiar to all in Kyiv. When she appeared later that day to sign a cultural exchange agreement with the Seoul Metropolitan Government, she was the height of elegance in a stunning white shirt and contrasting black pants with an appropriate waist belt and only one piece of jewellery. Juxtaposed with former UK PM Boris Johnson, with his tousled hair and ill-fitting suit, at the 14th annual Asian Leadership Conference organised by South Korean newspaper The Chosun Ilbo, Zelenska appeared more elegant than ever. She made an impression on South Koreans by pointedly asking their President Yoon Suk Yeol only for non-lethal military assistance for her country.Advertisementhttps://de12c345d1706f68fa5c404cd2e8712f.safeframe.googlesyndication.com/safeframe/1-0-40/html/container.html

Zelenskyy went on a diplomatic blitz all over Europe this month, marking a change in Ukrainian leaders’ earlier policy of mostly hunkering down at home and getting counterparts to meet him in Kyiv. He has visited Finland, France, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands and the UK since May 1. The most emotionally powerful visit was to the Vatican in mid-May.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi would not have given the time of day to Zelenskyy before February last year because Ukraine was an unstable country that was of no use to India. Nothing could be done there without greasing the right palms in any case. Besides, successive governments in Kyiv have been trying to sell arms to Pakistan for use against India. When Modi agreed to meet Zelenskyy in Hiroshima during his ongoing trip to East Asia, it was a recognition that after 15 months of war, Ukraine’s diplomacy was making advances. It is wishful thinking in some quarters that it was part of any peace plan from New Delhi, even as India recognises that it has to be nimble and make frequent adjustments to its approach to the Ukraine war.

IANS

London, May 26

Erstwhile Mysuru ruler Tipu Sultan’s ‘Bedchamber Sword’ had sold for more than 14 million pounds ($17 million) at an auction in London.

Described as “one of the world’s rare artefacts”, the sword’s sale was conducted by Bonhams — a privately owned international auction house in London — on Tuesday, achieving 14,080,900 pounds against an estimate of 1.5 million to 2 million pounds.

The auction house said the sword was found in Tipu Sultan’s private quarters of his palace after he was killed by British forces on May 4, 1799.

Following his death, the sword was presented to British Major General David Baird as a token of his courage, according to Bonhams.https://b056b7f113f0b2053e3c4b0422408ab8.safeframe.googlesyndication.com/safeframe/1-0-40/html/container.html

The auction house said that the sword’s “extremely rare calligraphic hilt is a masterpiece of late-18th century Indian manufacture, intricately inlaid in gold with fine calligraphic invocations to God”.

“The English inscription to the blade, presumably added by Baird or a descendant, explains how it was found in Tipu Sultan’s bedchamber following the fall of Seringapatam (now Srirangapatna) and presented to the General as a trophy of his victory.” On the spine of the blade, a gold inlaid inscription reads ‘Shamshir-e Malik’ or ‘The Sword of the King’.

“The sword has an extraordinary history, an astonishing provenance and unrivalled craftsmanship,” CNN quoted Nima Sagharchi, group head of Islamic and Indian Art at Bonhams, as saying in the statement.

“It was no surprise it was so hotly contested between two phone bidders and a bidder in the room. We are delighted with the result,” he added.

According to Bonhams CEO Bruno Vinciguerra, the “spectacular sword is the greatest of all the weapons linked to Tipu Sultan still in private hands”.

“Its close personal association with the Sultan, its impeccable provenance traceable to the very day it was captured, and the outstanding craftsmanship that went into its manufacture make it unique and highly desirable,” he added.

IANS

London, May 22

An Indian-origin Sikh councillor has made history after being appointed as the new Lord Mayor of Coventry, a city in the West Midlands, England.

As a Lord Mayor, Punjab-born Jaswant Singh Birdi will be the Chairman of the City Council, and as Coventry’s first citizen, he will be the non-political, ceremonial head of the city.

“I am so proud to become Lord Mayor of my adopted home city. It has given so much to myself and my family over the years and I will be honoured to show why I love it so much and to promote the city and the wonderful people who live here,” Birdi said in a statement.

Birdi was presented with the Chains of Office, worn as an official regalia by the Mayor, at an annual general meeting of Coventry Cathedral last week.

“As a Sikh, it also means so much that I will be wearing the Chains of Office and the turban. It will help show what a happy multi-cultural city we have and maybe inspire others as well,” he said.

Born in Punjab, Birdi moved to Coventry 60 years ago and has spent 17 years as a councillor in the city, representing Bablake Ward for the past nine years, following two terms of office in the 1990s in the Hillfields Ward.

After having served as Deputy Lord Mayor for the past 12 months, he succeeds Councillor Kevin Maton in the role.

He grew up in a village in the Indian part of Punjab and also spent time as a child in Lahore and West Bengal, as his family travelled for employment.

In the mid-1950s Birdi emigrated with his parents to Kenya in East Africa, where he had his primary and secondary education, and emigrated to the UK in the 60s to carry on with his further education.

Apart from being a councillor, he has been actively involved in setting up religious, social and community projects in the city.

He has named his chosen charities for the year as the Muscular Dystrophy charity, the Coventry Resource Centre for the Blind, and University Hospitals Coventry and Warwickshire Charity.

PTI

Bijapur, May 22

Two commandos of the Central Reserve Police Force’s jungle warfare unit CoBRA were injured in an encounter between security forces and Naxalites in Chhattisgarh’s Bijapur district, police said on Monday.

Two to three Naxalites also received bullet injuries in the gun fight which took place at around 8 pm on Sunday in Bijapur, located around 400 km from the state capital Raipur, they said.

A joint team of the District Reserve Guard and the CRPF’s Commando Battalion for Resolute Action (CoBRA) launched a search operation from Pusnar camp on Sunday evening after getting information about an improvised explosive device (IED) planted between Pusnar and Hiroli villages under Gangaloor police station limits, an official said.

At around 8 pm, the gun battle broke out between the security personnel and Naxalites in the area.https://461e04da7390369e2ec343d80b6850b0.safeframe.googlesyndication.com/safeframe/1-0-40/html/container.html

After a brief exchange of fire, Naxalites escaped into the dense forest, he said.

Constables Nakul and Mohammad Shahid, belonging to CoBRA’s 202nd battalion, suffered injuries on their hands and legs in the face-off, the official said.

They were were shifted to the Bijapur district hospital and their condition was stated to be out of danger, he said.