Say strong ties critical to advance US interests in Indo-Pacific region

Washington, October 2

A strong US-India defence partnership rooted in shared democratic values is critical to advancing US’ interests in the Indo-Pacific, three American senators have said in a legislative amendment that urges the Biden administration to encourage New Delhi to accelerate its transition away from Russian weapons.

Cite China threat along india border

• The amendment to the National Defense Authorization Act mentions that India faces immediate and serious threat from the aggression by the Chinese military along the border.
• It also mentions threats in the Indo-Pacific region where China which has territorial disputes with many countries.

The relations between India and China have soured over the incursion by Chinese troops in eastern Ladakh in May 2020, leading to a prolonged military standoff that is still unresolved. India has made it clear to China that peace and tranquillity along the Line of Actual Control (LAC) were key for the overall development of the bilateral ties.

“The US should take additional steps to encourage India to accelerate its transition away from weapons and defence systems manufactured in the Russian Federation while strongly supporting India’s immediate defense needs,” said the amendment. It said that for its national defence, India relies on weapons manufactured by Russia. Russia has been a major supplier of military hardware to India.

In October 2018, India signed a USD 5 billion deal with Russia to buy five units of the S-400 air defence missile systems, notwithstanding a warning by the US that going ahead with the contract may invite sanctions under the provisions of Countering America’s Adversaries Through Sanctions Act (CAATSA).

“A strong United States-India defence partnership rooted in shared democratic values is critical to advancing United States interests in the Indo-Pacific region,” the amendment said.

It said the such partnership between the world’s oldest and largest democracies is critical and should continue to be strengthened in response to increasing threats in the Indo-Pacific region so as to send an unequivocal signal that sovereignty and international law must be respected.

China, which has territorial disputes with many countries in the strategic Indo-Pacific region, has been opposing the US’ proactive policy specifically in the disputed South China Sea

https://www.tribuneindia.com/news/world/wean-india-away-from-arms-made-in-russia-us-senators-437691

The system will comprise sensors and processing units retrofitted on armoured vehicles like tanks and mechanised infantry combat vehicles

Tribune News Service

The project is being executed by DRDO’s Instruments Research and Development Establishment (IRDE) at Dehradun, which is inviting the industry to design, develop and manufacture the proposed system. IRDE’s research arena includes electro-optical instruments, thermal imagers, night-vision devices and laser-based instruments.

According to DRDO sources, the proposed system is required to detect threats at ranges up to six kilometres. It will have four sensors mounted on the vehicle’s turret at different places to provide a 360-degree coverage to detect threats from sources such as laser range finders, laser target designators and laser munition guiding beams.

The control units and display screens will be mounted inside, adjacent to the commander’s console, and give out an audio and visual warning to the crew, classify the type of threat and enable them to take counter-measures such as firing smoke grenades to obscure the vehicle and move to a different location, sources said.

Earlier, another DRDO laboratory, Laser Science and Technology Centre, New Delhi, had produced a laser threat detection system for the indigenously developed Arjun main battle tank. The Army has in its inventory several other armoured vehicles like the T-72 and T-90 tanks and BMP 2/3 mechanised infantry combat vehicles.

The DRDO has been working in the field of lasers for a host of other applications such as protection of high-value assets from aerial attacks, safe ammunition disposal, surveillance, guidance of precision munitions, optical-dazzling, target location and acquisition, detection and identification of explosives, chemical and biological agents and for testing and evaluating various systems.

Besides combat operations by the armed forces, some of these systems can also be used by the paramilitary forces and the police for border management and in low-intensity conflict environment.

https://www.tribuneindia.com/news/nation/drdo-developing-advanced-laser-threat-detection-system-for-armoured-fighting-vehicles-for-better-protection-437751

“Hony Capt Govindaswamy, VSM”. from Madras Sapper, whose training capability & methods as a Drill Instructor resulted in The Madras Sappers winning the Best Republic Day Parade Marching Contingent so many times continuously that MEG was awarded a COAS trophy, and “debarred” from participating in the Competition, but went on to train other Regiments which then won the trophy.

Hony Capt Govindaswamy’s methods today drive the excellent levels of Drill in all military trg establishments around India, including IMA & NDA.

Yesterday 30 September was the 242nd Madras Sappers Day.

There is Memorial bust & tablet erected in tribute to Hony Capt Govindaswamy, VSM, at the Madras Sappers War Memorial end of the Drill Square in MEG & Centre.

Salutes to Hony Capt Govindaswamy, VSM of the Madras Sappers, and his memory!!

Road ahead for CDS

Jointness of operations can’t brook further delay

With the appointment of Lt Gen Anil Chauhan (retd), a former Eastern Army Commander and Director General of Military Operations, as India’s new Chief of Defence Staff (CDS), the government has finally filled the top post that had been lying vacant after Gen Bipin Rawat died in a helicopter crash in December last year. The prolonged delay in naming General Rawat’s successor had led to doubts being raised about the government’s commitment to the CDS’s mandate of synergising the functioning of the Army, the Navy and the Indian Air Force; restructuring of military commands for optimal utilisation of resources; and improving India’s battle-readiness.

It was in June this year that the Ministry of Defence notified changes in the Army, Air Force and Navy Acts, paving the way for any serving or retired Lt General, Air Marshal and Vice-Admiral under the age of 62 years to be in contention for appointment as CDS. The creation of a larger selection pool had given rise to unsavoury apprehensions about supersession of seniormost officers. The speculation has been laid to rest at last; now, it is Lt Gen Chauhan’s responsibility to begin from where General Rawat left off. As the Secretary to the Department of Military Affairs, the CDS will be expected to ensure greater coordination and understanding between the government and the defence top brass. Talking or working at cross purposes will undermine India’s growing stature as a military power and impact its credibility in the international arena.

It’s the CDS’s job to bring the Army, the Navy and the Air Force on the same page on matters such as defence modernisation and indigenisation. Accomplishing jointness in operations — an indispensable element of 21st-century warfare and military preparedness — requires the establishment of integrated theatre commands. A seamless transition to the new system and striking a balance between the three services will also be among the major challenges for the CDS. Much will depend on how much freedom the new officer will have to exercise his powers and take decisions that can have far-reaching consequences for national security.

Take exception to ‘unsatisfactory performance’ remark

Nearly 400 members of the now-scrapped Guardians of Governance scheme from Jalandhar and Kapurthala lodge their protest against the state government outside the DC office, Jalandhar. Malkiat Singh

Tribune News Service

Jalandhar, September 30

Members of the now-withdrawn scheme of Guardians of Governance (GoGs) on Friday organised a massive protest outside the office of the district administration demanding an apology from the government for insulting them by passing ‘unsatisfactory performance’ remark against their work.

Show respect

We were performing our duties so dedicatedly… the government could have terminated our services with a ‘thank you’ remark, but pointing fingers at our performance and raking up the issue of our efficiency has not gone down well with us. Col Balbir Singh (Retd), Ex-GOG

Nearly 400 GoGs from Jalandhar and Kapurthala districts participated in the protest. The ex-servicemen did not demand restoration of the scheme, but their only grouse was with the “parting comments”.

Col Balbir Singh (retd), who has served as GoG tehsil head, Jalandhar-1, said: “We were performing our duties so dedicatedly. If the government was to terminate our services, it was free to do so. It could have been done with a ‘thank you’ remark also but pointing fingers at our performance and raking up the issue of our efficiency has not gone down well with us”.

He added, “The AAP government hardly took our services. Ever since they came to power, our portal remained non-functional. Our reporting was not being taken. Officials were not calling meetings with us which had been a norm earlier. We were called the ‘eyes and ears of the government’ by the Congress. We were trusted with our reports. Our GoGs oversaw all development works in villages. The new government has not been able to point out to any corruption in village development works which we were overseeing.”

The ex-servicemen who participated in the protest said, “We were being paid Rs 11,000 as honorarium a month, out of which we were spending nearly Rs 6,000-7,000 a month on fuel to move around and check various ongoing projects in the cluster of villages which we were overseeing. Like the way, we had protected the country with all our might, we were also equally vigilant to check any corruption taking place in Punjab and reporting the same on a daily basis. Such remarks against us were uncalled-for.”

Congress MP Chaudhary Santokh Singh also joined the GoGs during their protest and expressed his support to them. He appreciated their work in the last five years and thanked them all.

Later, the GoGs led by district chief Maj Gen Balwinder Singh presented a memorandum to the government through Deputy Commissioner Jaspreet Singh seeking an apology for the remarks made against them.

Maj Gen GG Dwivedi (retd)

Former Defence Attaché to China

China perceives itself as a global leader — an equal partner vis-à-vis the US. Therefore, even if the LAC issue is settled with China, the Delhi-Beijing relationship is bound to remain stuck in the ‘confrontation-competition’ mode. It is worrisome that the power differential between India and China continues to grow. Given the strategic imperatives, there is no option but to holistically prepare to deal with the challenges posed by the new normal.

AS a sequel to the 16th round of military talks held in July, Indian and Chinese soldiers disengaged from Patrolling Point-15 (PP-15) in the Gogra-Hot Springs area. The pullback process, which commenced on September 8, was completed over the next four days; it entailed dismantling of the temporary fortifications-cum-infrastructure, besides restoration of landform to the pre-standoff period.

Disengagement at PP-15 is the fifth such exercise over the last two years to reduce tension on the LAC, triggered by unprovoked Chinese aggression in May 2020. The other areas of drawdown include PP-14 (Galwan), PP-17A (Gogra) and the north and south banks of Pangong Tso. Incidentally, the area between PP-14 and 17-A was never a friction point as the alignment of the LAC in the Chang Chenmo sub-sector coincides with the Chinese ‘1959 claim line’. The ITBP personnel regularly patrolled this area from their post at Karam Singh Hill (located at the junction of the Kugrang and Chang Chenmo rivers) with an outpost at Gogra.

However, the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) was apprehensive about the Indian Army using PP-15 as a base to threaten its position at Wenqian, which links up with Galwan.

During the recent transgression, the Chinese soldiers had intruded 3-4 km at this location. The disengagement process here dragged on as the Chinese insisted on creating an extended buffer zone to deny Indian Army approaches along Changlung Nala-PP-17A and Kugrang River-PP-15 for possible offensive action.

The current process of disengagement has led to the creation of buffer zones. At PP-14 it is 3-km wide, while astride north bank of Pangong Tso, the buffer zone extends around 8 km from Finger 4 to Finger 8, whereas between PP-15 and 17-A, the width is 3-4 km, stretching over almost 30 km.

The PP arrangement was instituted in 1976 to lay down specific points up to which patrolling could be undertaken and not to define the LAC per se. As buffer zones preclude patrolling, it implies relocating existing posts or creating new ones in own area, thus relinquish control of a swathe of the territory.

In the Depsang plateau, the PLA has transgressed around 18 km, denying Indian Army access to PPs from 10 to 13. The Chinese side is reluctant to even discuss the issue, contending that the dispute dates back to 2013, hence does not fall in the ambit of the current standoff. In the Demchok sub-sector, PLA intrusions in the Charding-Ninglung Nala area aim to strengthen its ground posture. The China disengagement strategy in these areas, too, will be driven by buffer zone format.

The disengagement process, however, has not led to any de-escalation. In fact, the Chinese have used the period to scale up the military infrastructure significantly; it includes twin bridges over Pangong Tso and the construction of G-695 — second highway linking Xinjiang with Tibet. Besides, the Chinese have gone in for major defence build-up in Tibet opposite Arunachal Pradesh. These provocative activities reveal the Chinese intent and grand design, evident from the prevailing strategic imperatives.

Communist leadership obsession with conducive periphery is rooted in the historic belief that for stability and prosperity, China must have ‘subdued’ neighbourhood. Chinese President Xi Jinping, on assuming power in 2012-13, unfolded his ‘China dream’— a ‘prosperous and powerful China’.

‘Sovereignty’ being the core national interest, Xi initiated tough measures to maintain absolute control over Tibet, Xinjiang, Inner Mongolia, Hong Kong, Macau and South and East China Seas, besides unification of claimed territories, including Taiwan and South Tibet (Zangnan-Arunachal Pradesh). The Chinese 2020 aggression violated all key agreements, even disregarded ‘strategic guidance’ norms, formulated during ‘one-on-one’ meetings between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Xi in 2018 and 2019.

During his maiden visit to Lhasa last year, Xi gave directions to make Tibet a formidable shield. Alongside massive military build-up, China has also enacted the ‘amended defence law’, which facilitates greater ‘civil-military fusion’ and ‘border law’ to legalise incursions. China is in the process of constructing around 640 border villages in Tibet, a third astride the LAC. These will act as effective outposts for the PLA to orchestrate the ‘grey-zone warfare’ in pursuit of ‘nibbling strategy’.

Our policymakers have often reiterated that the border issue is the key to ensuring conducive India-China relations. However, the Chinese have succeeded in delinking the issue, evident from the record bilateral trade figures of $125 billion.

Steadfast in the belief of making the current century China’s, Beijing has evolved a coherent policy to dominate Asia, driven by investment and trade initiatives. The communist leadership envisions a unipolar Asia with ‘marginalised’ India and ‘passive’ Japan. At the international level, China perceives itself as a global leader — an equal partner vis-à-vis the US. Therefore, even if the LAC issue is settled with China, enforcing new agreements to legitimise the recent gains, the Delhi-Beijing relationship is bound to remain stuck in the ‘confrontation-competition’ mode.

India’s China policy needs to be reimagined, based on realpolitik and a long-term perspective. The immediate priority is to holistically review the border management gamut to obviate further loss of territory. The current structure based on ‘one border, one force’ with the ITBP as the lead agency is flawed as the border is disputed and heavily militarised.

In the wake of the changed status, the LAC will no longer be just patrolled, but will have to be selectively manned, as de-escalation in the near future is highly unlikely. Hence, a professional border management force needs to be created under the operational control of the Army. Incidentally, Chinese ‘border guard battalions’ are part of the PLA and well equipped to undertake multiple operations.

It is worrisome that the power differential between India and China continues to grow, particularly in terms of hard power. This demands deep-rooted defence reforms and national capacity-building, as in the era of ‘hybrid warfare’, the wars are fought between the states and not armies alone. Given the strategic imperatives, there is no option but to holistically prepare to deal with the challenges posed by the new normal.

Brig SS Virdi (retd)

The flight to safety from a remote village of Shakargarh in Gurdaspur, where my father provided medical cover to the poor, was a harrowing experience. From there, reaching home to Amritsar took another 16 days. The horror story only grew worse as we witnessed the savagery on GT Road. Amid it all, my uncle provided the silver lining

My father, Dr Man Singh, had set up a rural eye centre in a remote village of Shakargarh tehsil in Gurdaspur district to provide medical cover to the poor, sacrificing a promising career after graduating from King Edward Medical College, Lahore. The hospital was north of the Ravi river; the rest of the district was south of the river. It had no road or communication link, and no electricity. Even telegrams and newspapers reached us after three days. In the days leading to Partition, communal riots had erupted in several cities and we thought these were for the delineation of the border.

I was studying in a rural high school and had no trouble appearing for my Matric examinations, which commenced on March 7, 1947. I was preparing to join Khalsa College in Amritsar, where my father had studied and had built a house opposite the college. Everyone thought that once the British were out, the boundary was marked and a democratic setup started functioning, the riots would stop. We were living in a fool’s paradise.

The boundary with Pakistan was not defined till a few days after Independence was declared, and no one could tell us whether Shakargarh was in India or Pakistan. Those who lived away from the projected border knew for months that they would come under Pakistan, and might have to shift. They had made suitable plans, but we never thought we would be called upon to move.

Thus, on the fateful day of August 23, we saw the villages between the hospital and the Ravi being set afire. Rifle shots could be heard and we were completely taken off guard when the wounded started arriving in the hospital. My father started attending to them but when the influx became heavy, he realised that he too was a Sikh and his family could be the next target. He collected all his eight children, the eldest being my sister who was 17 and the youngest just three, and asked us to hide in the corn fields. He took his double-barrel gun.

His staff members were all Sikh, so everyone panicked since the nearest route to safety was across the Ravi, but every village between our location and the river had been set on fire and residents were being shot at indiscriminately. It was a precarious situation since all the villages in the area were Sikh-dominated.

My father thought it would be safe to go to Kanjrur, the Hindu-dominated town 4 miles away, so he gathered a few precious items, locked the house, and we set out on foot in the evening, thinking of returning when things stabilised. There, we found that everyone had already fled. We had to change course and follow the Basantar river, a tributary of the Ravi, and by the morning, after walking for about 10 miles, we reached a high rail embankment leading to the Dera Baba Nanak bridge. It was at this time that my father spotted a group of men on horses coming full gallop, brandishing weapons. The villagers who had accompanied us ran behind the embankment and only the two of us were left to face the attackers. My father loaded both barrels and fired two shots in quick succession, downing the leading horseman. The rest veered around and galloped away.

We were expecting another attack so we hid in the fields. By evening, my father decided to move towards the west i.e. deeper into Pakistan where he expected some setup for help. At an abandoned village, we were halted by a posse of policemen. They lined up everyone and the SI ordered his sepoys to shoot at random. My father reacted strongly: “What kind of a Muslim are you, attacking unarmed and beleaguered men, women and children?” He responded, “What your ASI Brindavan is doing to Muslims in Dera Baba Nanak, I am doing here. In any case, who are you?” When my father spoke his name, the SI asked his men to move away and sought forgiveness. Both his parents had been operated upon for cataract by my father.

He then told us that going westward meant sure death and we should instead move north to Jammu where we had a better chance of survival if luck favoured us. We changed direction and started moving north towards Dhamthal, but since it was dark and everyone was tired and hungry, we slept in an abandoned village.

On the third day, we resumed our march and reached Dhamthal, but here too everyone was leaving for Jammu. Some had horses and weapons like spears, etc. A group of young ex-Army Sikh jawans came to my father and told him that the next village was Muslim-dominated and everyone was being attacked. They, however, said that they would lead the group the next day and hence my father should give them his double-barrel gun and take their .16 bore single-barrel gun. Since we were a large family, we were told to come in the rear of the column.

Everyone was dead tired and the children could hardly move. My mother was exhausted and was pleading that she should be left to die, but we coaxed her to somehow carry on. My scalp had become so sore from carrying an attaché that even to touch it was painful, but the instinct to survive egged us on.

As we neared Zafarwal village, a Dogra soldier in civvies met my father and told us that we should follow him as that very morning a group had been attacked. We saw a huge pile of small weapons like spears and axes with which the earlier group had defended themselves, and my father’s double-barrel gun in that heap. A policeman in uniform was guarding it.

We turned east as per the directions of the Dogra soldier and when we emerged on the other side, we saw a huge Muslim crowd with swords, spears and other weapons in the west. We were lucky that we had turned east. They started moving menacingly towards us.

My mother had fainted by now, so we requested a man with a buffalo to allow us to load her on its back. I was carrying the attaché case on my head and my three-year-old sister on my shoulder. My elder sister was handling smaller children and my father with other men faced the menacing Muslim crowd, now shouting at the top of their voice and brandishing their swords and other weapons. My father had also raised his arm to show that he had a gun.

We quickened our steps on the direction of the Dogra soldier. After about an hour of the traumatic chase, we had left them far behind. By late afternoon, on the fourth day, we crossed the Jammu border to safety. There was a small tail-end distributary of Ranbir Canal with flowing water so we had our fill and were very grateful for having survived.

The threat was over but the issue of moving via Madhopur to our house in Amritsar, 300 km away, in an extremely disturbed environment took 16 more days. In Amritsar, our house was located on GT Road to Lahore. On the other side was the rail track just 100 yards away. Thousands of Muslim refugees from India were moving in convoys on foot, with Pakistan army protection and trainloads on the other side. Curfew and rifle shots were a daily routine. Many trains were derailed and looted.

As the convoys moved, there were piles of bodies left behind. It was a gross display of savagery by those who had been living together for millennia. The British had successfully planted such hatred in the name of religion.

The only silver lining was the conduct of my father’s eldest brother, who had a flour mill and would get tubs of water filled and placed on GT Road and as many chapattis as possible cooked daily for the Muslims moving on foot before the curfew siren was sounded. He used to say it was thanksgiving for sparing the lives of his younger brother’s family.

It took over three years before our family attained some kind of normalcy. We lost our elder sister and my father was jobless till he got posted as a Medical Officer at Qadian in 1950.