Monthly Archives: August 2018

The new squadron of Rafale jets will be based in Hasimara airbase in West Bengal

Next batch of three Rafales leave from France to India today. PTI

New Delhi, May 5

The sixth batch of three more Rafale fighter jets took off from France for India on Wednesday, the Indian embassy in France said.

They will be part of the Indian Air Force’s second squadron of the Rafale jets.

“Next batch of three #Rafales leave from France to India today; wished the pilots smooth flight and safe landing,” the Indian embassy in France tweeted.

After the arrival of the new batch, the number of Rafale jets with the IAF will go up to 21.

The new squadron of Rafale jets will be based in Hasimara airbase in West Bengal.

The first Rafale squadron is based in Ambala air force station. A squadron comprises around 18 aircraft.

India had signed an inter-governmental agreement with France in September 2016 for the procurement of 36 Rafale fighter jets at a cost of around Rs 58,000 crore.

The first batch of five Rafale jets arrived in India on July 29 last. The fifth batch had landed on April 21.

Last month, Chief of Air Staff Air Chief Marshal RKS Bhadauria visited France, during which he took stock of the delivery of the remaining Rafale aircraft to India. PTI

Mourning relatives at a hospital in Prayagraj, Uttar Pradesh. PTI

New Delhi: The Indian Medical Association (IMA) has written to the Health Ministry, asking for a nationwide lockdown to give a breather to health systems and doctors and asking why the Centre was hiding deaths. Questioning the vaccine pricing policy, it flagged the deepening oxygen crisis. “We lost 756 doctors in the first wave and 146 in the second. Hundreds of deaths are being shown as non-Covid. Why are we trying to hide the actual deaths?” the IMA asked. — TNS

India will buy 30 Predator MQ9 drones, 10 each for three services, after completion of training on two leased drones at Arakkonam in Tami Nadu
The leasing of two Predator unmanned aerial vehicles from the US, a nuclear power submarine Akula class to replace the presently leased INS Chakra from Russia, and the proposal to lease a Airbus 330 multi-role transport tanker from France are examples in this direction.
Rather than getting caught in the laborious defence acquisition process, the armed forces are using the financial powers of vice-chiefs to lease out critical weapon platforms from strategic allies like the United States, France and Russia. The vice-chiefs have the power to purchase ₹300 crore worth of equipment as part of capital purchases as well as half of ₹500 crore can be used for emergency requirements for the service but outside capital outlay.
According to South Block officials, the leasing of two Predator unmanned aerial vehicles from the US, a nuclear power submarine Akula class to replace the presently leased INS Chakra from Russia, and the proposal to lease a Airbus 330 multi-role transport tanker from France are examples in this direction.
While the leasing process allows the armed forces to train on a platform that it plans to acquire, it also short-circuits the labyrinth of acquisition process like acceptance of necessity, request for information, request for proposal, defence acquisition committee, finance ministry approvals and finally the Cabinet Committee of Security (CCS).
Faced with a northern neighbour who is constantly inducting stand-off weapon systems like weaponized drones, nuclear powered submarines, fifth generation aircraft and large warships, the leasing system at least allows the Indian armed forces to be prepared for future wars.
“The leasing of two Predator drones from US allows India to train and be prepared to induct 10 such drones in each of the three services. The MQ9 Predator drone is a highly versatile UAV with capacity to target the adversary through Hell-fire missile and laser guided bombs. The process for acquisition of drones has already begun,” said a top admiral of Indian Navy.
The Navy is also eyeing to lease Rafale maritime fighters for its upcoming indigenous aircraft carrier INS Vikrant as the American fighters like F-18 and F-15 are too heavy and large for 45,000 ton flat-top warship.
After its tender to purchase mid-air refuelers was canned by the Defence Ministry, the Indian Air Force is now leasing one Airbus 330 MRTT while eyeing further lease of five more refuelers currently with France through the proper acquisition route.
While the Indian Army has no plans to take weapon platforms on lease as of now, the military purchased anti-tank weapon systems, UAVs and laser guided shells from Israel under emergency purchases powers with the vice-chief at a time when India and China were locked eyeball to eye ball at Pangong Tso in eastern Ladakh.
While Chinese President Xi Jinping has offered support to Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi to ride out of Covid-19 crisis, the paramount leader has refused to budge on the Gogra-Hot Springs issue in eastern Ladakh as if the present government will allow the land dispute to be swept under the carpet or to be left to future generations.
With Beijing determined to play hardball on the border with India, the latter will have to be in advanced state of preparedness with high tech weapons in case the balloon goes up when the pandemic with origins in Wuhan sweeps India.

Sen is survived by his wife, two daughters and grandchildren

Photo for representation only. Source: iStock.

Jaipur, May 8

Family members of Shaurya Chakra recipient Lt Col (retd)Ratan Kumar Sen on Saturday donated his body to a medical college here, a day after he passed away due to prolonged illness.

He was bid final adieu at the Mission Compound following the COVID-19 protocols. The funeral procession was taken out in an Army vehicle to reach the JNU Medical College, Jagatpura, for body donation, his family said in a statement.

It stated that no member in the family has so far been infected with COVID-19.

Sen is survived by his wife, two daughters and grandchildren.

He was commissioned into the Armoured Corps in 1972 and deployed to Jammu and Kashmir in 1994 as part of 2nd Rashtriya Rifles for counter-insurgency operations.

During one such operation in Anantnag district, on March 17, 1994, he found himself ambushed by terrorists and was pinned down under heavy gunfire. He was shot in the head by a terrorist with an AK-47 at point-blank range. Despite severe loss of blood and exhaustion, he continued to fight saving precious lives, according to the family.

He was evacuated and promptly provided medical treatment by the Army doctors which gave him a new lease of life. For his brave and gallant act, he was awarded the Shaurya Chakra on January 26, 1995 by the President of India.

Sen faced several medical issues due to the gunshot and was forced to take premature retirement in 1997 at the age of 46. — PTI

In August 2020, India had pre-empted China by taking control of tactically advantageous heights on the Kailash Range
During the military standoff in eastern Ladakh, China’s People’s Liberation Army Air Force (PLAAF) had deployed its modern fighter jets, including J-20 stealth fighters, against India, Scott Berrier, a lieutenant general in the United States Army who serves as the Director of the US Defence Intelligence Agency, has said.
In a statement before the Senate Committee on Armed Services, Berrier revealed that the PLAAF had deployed the J-20 fighter against India in September 2020.
“The PLA Air Force continues fielding modern fighters, including the deployment of J-20 stealth fighters in September to China’s border with India during their military standoff,” the Director of the US Defence Intelligence Agency said.
Tensions between New Delhi and Beijing had escalated after India pre-empted the People’s Liberation Army by taking control of tactically advantageous heights on the Kailash Range near the Spanggur Lake, south of the Pangong Lake, in August 2020. The move made China’s positions in the area vulnerable.
India had received the first batch of Rafale fighters in July 2020.
Apart from deploying its stealth fighter jets against India, China also upgraded infrastructure at its air bases on the Tibetan Plateau during the military standoff with India. As reported earlier, infrastructure was upgraded at the Ngari Gunsa Airbase, located just east of Pangong Lake, and at the Lhasa Gonggar Airport, a base of the PLAAF not very far from Sikkim and Arunachal Pradesh.
At the Ngari Gunsa base, China is building hardened shelters used for shielding fighters from enemy missiles. The construction of shelters suggests China plans to increase the deployment of fighters at the base. In Lhasa, China has finished upgrading the main surface-to-air missile site adjacent to the airport.
During the standoff, a Chinese military insider had told the South China Morning Post that the PLAAF had deployed its J-16s at Ngari Gunsa for “regular training” but decided to retain the aircraft at the base “because of the stand-off”.
An assessment published by the US-based China Aerospace Studies Institute (CASI) says 12 unidentified variants of Flanker (Su-27) were stationed at the Hotan base, located north of Aksai Chin. The assessment, based on satellite imagery from June 2020, said China had deployed 24 aircraft at the airbase.
The Indian Air Force had also deployed fighters, including MiG-29s, Su-30s and Mirage-2000s, at its frontline bases to deter the PLAAF.

ITBP patrol spots Chinese soldiers inspecting road and foot bridges on Pareechu besides operational stone-crusher supplying raw material
Himachal Pradesh shares a 260-km border with China in Kinnaur and Lahaul and Spiti districts. Of the total border length, 140km is in Kinnaur district, while 80km falls in Lahaul and Spiti district.
With snow melting in the high-altitude areas, China’s People Liberation Army has begun constructing a post along the Indian border in the sensitive Kaurik sector of Himachal Pradesh’s tribal Lahaul and Spiti district.
Residents of border villages of Shaktot and Churup, who have started sowing crops, noticed that the PLA has operationalised its stone-crusher for raw material to build the post. An Indo-Tibetan Border Police (ITBP) recce team also reported seeing PLA officials inspecting the road and foot bridges across the Pareechu, a tributary of the Spiti river.
Pareechu originates in Indian territory but meanders back in the mountains of China before reaching the confluence with Spiti. A glacial lake burst on the course of the Pareechu on the Chinese side in 2004 and damaged road bridges on the banks of the Spiti and its main Sutlej river, also known as the powerhouse of the Himalayas for its hydel potential.
During the routine recce recently, the ITBP patrol reported seeing PLA soldiers, who had arrived in a vehicle, negotiating with the stone-crusher owner to supply construction material. The PLA is building more roads and buildings in the upper regions of Barangkali.
A permanent army camp of China is located at Dunmur village close to the Indian border post at Lepcha. There has been no construction activity along the Indian border for the past one year.
Himachal Pradesh shares a 260-km border with China in Kinnaur and Lahaul and Spiti districts. Of the total border length, 140km is in Kinnaur district, while 80km falls in Lahaul and Spiti district.
Five battalions of the ITBP guard the border with China in the state. In all, there are 20 ITBP posts along the border and Kaurik is a sensitive one being the last village beyond Sumdoh.
Last year, after the standoff between Indian and Chinese troops at Galwan valley in eastern Ladakh, China accelerated road construction at Tango and Yamrang, which are close to Chitkul and Charang villages on the Indian side. Both Yamrang and Tango are in China-controlled Tibetan Autonomous Region.
China stepped up activity in the region after air incursions in Kaurik sector in April last year. Chinese helicopters violated Indian airspace twice in April 2020.

The NCC, Punjab, Haryana, Himachal Pradesh and Chandigarh (PHHP&C) Directorate has allowed its cadets to choose NCC as an elective subject under the choice-based credit system.

Tribune News Service
Rohtak, May 4

Here is some good news for students, who are fascinated by the defence services and join the NCC to be part of a uniformed force to contribute in nation-building. The cadets of the universities and technical institutions can now study NCC as a subject.

The NCC, Punjab, Haryana, Himachal Pradesh and Chandigarh (PHHP&C) Directorate has allowed its cadets to choose NCC as an elective subject under the choice-based credit system.

“The underlying idea behind the move is to motivate students of educational institutions in the domain states to join the NCC to nurture discipline and instil among them patriotism,” said Major General JS Sandhu, Additional Director-General, NCC (PHHP&C Directorate).

The initiative, which is planned to be implemented with effect from the forthcoming academic session, is likely to benefit nearly 37,000 students in 12 universities of Haryana.

The venture is based on the guidelines issued by the University Grants Commission (UGC) on April 15, 2021, for making CBCS an integral part of the education system as per the proposal mooted by the Directorate General, National Cadet Corps, New Delhi.

“This will offer a major advantage to the cadets, especially those appearing in ‘B’ and ‘C’ certificate examinations after the stipulated training period of two to five years. These certificates offer several privileges, ranging from reservation in admissions to institutions of higher learning and getting jobs in government organisations as well as the private sector,” said an official statement.

“The move has far-reaching ramifications and is in consonance with the National Education Policy-2020, wherein students can select subjects of their choice, rather than being confined to only those being offered by the institutions. It aims to make learning more holistic

and skill-oriented, eventually facilitating career prospects. On successful completion of the course, the students are awarded credit points that will enable them qualify for their respective degrees,” it stated.

Like India, China does not accept arbitration on all disputes and is concerned with foreign military activities in its EEZ. Expediency might sell in the short term for India, but it seldom pays off in the long run and, worse still, it might backfire
India was surprised when the USS John Paul Jones, a 9,000-tonne guided missile destroyer, asserted navigational rights some 130 nautical miles west of the Lakshadweep Islands on April 7, inside India’s exclusive economic zone (EEZ), without requesting prior consent.
Taken aback by the suddenness of the operation, India’s Ministry of External Affairs made a mild protest, saying the operation was unauthorised. It also said its concerns had been conveyed to Washington “through diplomatic channels”.If India had a choice – that is, if the US Navy made no mention of it – New Delhi would probably have pretended nothing had happened. However, the fact the incident took place less than a month after the first Quad summit and during US presidential climate envoy John Kerry’s visit to New Delhi was too much to ignore.
India and the United States have been part of the chorus chanting about the “free and open Indo-Pacific” in recent years, but they are not birds of a feather flocking together. The decision to challenge India’s EEZ suggests that Washington does not consider millions of square kilometres of water in the Indian Ocean “free and open”.
Otto von Bismarck is famously reported to have said, “Laws are like sausages, it is better not to see them being made.” The UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) is probably the longest sausage ever made. It was negotiated for nine years, and understandably compromises were made and ambiguities that could be flexibly interpreted were found.
Almost four decades have passed since the convention was adopted in 1982. The US still has not ratified the convention, yet it behaves as if it is the guardian of maritime law. From October 1, 2019 to September 30, 2020, US forces operationally challenged “28 different excessive maritime claims made by 19 different claimants throughout the world”, according to the Pentagon.
A simple question arises. If the convention is good, why hasn’t the US ratified it? If it is not good, why would the US challenge others in the name of it?
It is no secret Delhi is not happy with China’s growing influence in the Indian Ocean, which India jealously guards as its own backyard. The deadly brawl between Chinese and Indian soldiers in the Galwan Valley in the border areas last year made its trust towards China “profoundly disturbed”, as Indian Foreign Minister Subrahmanyam Jaishankar said.
But when Delhi mimics Washington to tout the “free and open Indo-Pacific”, it almost has a comedic effect. India has more in common with China than with the US when it comes to international maritime law.
For example, like India, China does not accept arbitration on all disputes referred to in Article 298 of the convention. In its protest to the US, India said it believed “the convention does not authorise other states to carry out military exercises or manoeuvres, in particular those involving weapons or explosives, without the consent of the coastal state in the exclusive economic zone and on the continental shelf”.
Like India, China is concerned with foreign military activities in its EEZ. China has criticised America’s high intensity and large scale close-in reconnaissance. China and India are not alone. More than 20 countries in the world have restrictions on foreign military activities in their EEZs, to varying degrees.
A key difference, though, is that Beijing’s response to America’s behaviour is robust, unlike that of Delhi. The US has conducted freedom of navigation operations (FONOPS) directed at Indian maritime claims since at least 1992, but “the [Indian] government and navy prefer to remain silent on US operations in the EEZ”, Indian analyst Manoj Joshi wrote in 2019. “There is no record of the Indian Navy having attempted to thwart US Navy ships.”
China’s response ranges from protests and ship-to-ship warnings to interceptions, particularly when American ships enter into the 12-nautical-mile territorial waters off Chinese rocks and islands in the South China Sea. There have been a number of dangerous encounters at sea.
I once asked a senior American naval officer at an international conference how China and the US might prevent accidents that neither wants in the South China Sea. Without hesitation he said, “The Chinese ship commander can say whatever he wants, but don’t sail in my way.”
This is impossible. If American FONOPS increase in China’s waters in the South China Sea, an ever-stronger PLA Navy can only become more determined to check them. Therefore, at least in theory, it is only a matter of time before another crisis occurs.
In Kishore Mahbubani’s book Has China Won?, he assumes that by 2050, when the Chinese economy could effectively be twice as large as the US economy, America could withdraw from the western Pacific Ocean and retreat back into its hemisphere and live 11,000km away from China. Maybe. But what would happen before then?
For Beijing, a fundamental problem exists – if the US does not want the water to boil, why does it keep throwing wood into the fire? It is the American ships that come regularly to China’s doorstep and not the other way round.
It is not clear why the US Navy chose to publicise its operation in India’s EEZ at a time when Washington wants Delhi to take its side in its competition with China. It is a useful lesson for India. Expediency might sell in the short term, but it seldom pays off in the long run and, worse still, it might backfire.

Wants additional allocation of 50 MT of medical oxygen, 20 more tankers

Tribune News Service

Chandigarh, May 4

Chief Minister Capt Amarinder Singh on Tuesday sought the immediate intervention of both the Prime Minister and the Union Home Minister to ensure uninterrupted supply of medical oxygen to the state, along with additional allocation of 50 MT liquid medical oxygen (LMO) from a nearby source and 20 additional tankers (preferably conducive to rail travel) for timely evacuation of LMO from Bokaro.

Supply erraticDespite assurance that adequate supply will be ensured to us from alternate sources, I regret to point out that this has not happened. —Capt Amarinder Singh, Chief Minister

The Chief Minister sent out separate letters to Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Home Minister Amit Shah, as the number of Covid patients on varying levels of oxygen support in the state went up to 10,000.

Expressing deep concern over the imminent loss of lives due to oxygen shortage across the state, the Chief Minister said with mounting caseload, he was unable to increase Level 2 and Level 3 beds due to oxygen availability constraints. The state was facing the prospect of shortage of oxygen beds, he said, pointing out that the Government of India had expressed its inability to even allow Punjab’s local industry to undertake commercial import of LMO from Pakistan through the Wagah-Attari border, which is geographically proximate.

Pointing out that Punjab had now been given to understand by the Centre that there would be likely disruption of LMO supply from today from Panipat and Barotiwala, the Chief Minister said this would cause great stress on the already limited oxygen availability in the state, thus causing a medical emergency, including risk of loss of life for the large number of patients who are in critical condition and on regular oxygen support. The disruption should be avoided, he said, adding that, if necessary, the state must be compensated immediately from a nearby additional source.

Status of life-saving gas

• 225 MT is the daily consumption of oxygen in the state
• 195 MT  is the total oxygen allocation from outside the state
• 90 MT comes from Bokaro, 105 MT from Haryana, Himachal & U’khand
• 80 MT is generated daily within the state
• 10,000 Covid patients on oxygensupport in the state currently

The need for dedicated Mountain Strike Corps for India is inescapable, to create worthwhile punitive deterrence against China, which can also be used elsewhere
by Major General S B Asthana (Retd)
For decades, the strategic planners of India have been boosting offensive capability along western borders for credible deterrence and remained contented with limited offensive capability with reactive mindset along northern and eastern borders, against the basic military strategy which says “Offense is the best form of defence” and a defender can at best respond to offensive as he doesn’t have the initiative. The number of Strike Corps earmarked for western borders versus northern/eastern borders bears testimony to this observation.
Was Our Strategy Against China Reactive?
One of the reasons for adopting reactive/dissuasive strategy against China by various decision-makers was unwarranted faith in the Confidence Building Measures (CBM) between China and India, in the form of various Border Peace and Tranquillity Agreements (BPTA), although the basis of the faith was unrealistic, in light of Chinese repeated misadventures like 1962, Sumdurong Chu, Doklam, to name a few.
The fact that Chinese have been dragging their feet on demarcation of LAC/Border settlement also proves the fragility of any agreement with them. Except for few proactive actions at tactical/operational level like Pangong Tso heights, Nathu La and Doklam, by and large, the Indian strategy against China has been reactive at strategic plane.
Voices for “China being enemy No 1” and proposals to have mountain strike corps have been on the tables of South Block since long, but the delay in complete raising of Mountain Strike Corps apparently has been due to economic and bureaucratic reasons, together with the idea of not disturbing peace and tranquillity on borders, due to over-reliance on CBMs, BPTA and other agreements, despite China violating them repeatedly. The fact is that incidences of patrol clashes and soldiers pushing each other, having different perception of LAC have been quite frequent, which remains an unsatisfactory arrangement for any professional force to guard borders/LAC without firing.
Hasn’t The Need of Having Mountain Strike Corps Become Inescapable?
After China junked all the CBM’s in Eastern Ladakh, and now reluctant to disengage in ‘other areas’ after disengaging North and South of Pangong Tso, it’s evident that de-escalation is nowhere in sight. The campaigning season is approaching with summers, which can again lead to heavy troop concentration by both sides. With many similar actions taken by China along LAC in past few decades, it is evident that a reactive, defensive strategy will not influence China to negotiate LAC/borders, which is important to avoid repeated standoffs.
The need for dedicated Mountain Strike Corps for India is inescapable, to create worthwhile punitive deterrence against China, which can also be used elsewhere. As per media reports, some re-alignment/rebalancing of existing offensive forces, grouped with adequate mechanized forces and other elements is being done to create corps level offensive capability for Northern Theatre and partially raised ‘Mountain Strike Corps’ for eastern theatre, with adequate flexibility of application in other theatres. It makes strategic sense to meet the offensive requirements of various theatres and is a reasonably practical option, till India completes further capacity building.
Strike Corps Headquarters Versus Integrated Battle Groups Under Theatres?
The much-referred division/independent brigade-sized ‘Integrated Battle Groups’ (IBG) is a concept tried in many exercises in the recent past with adequate media coverage, but there is a need for all such forces to operate under offensive Corps Headquarters, tasked for an offensive role in adversary’s territory so that they are oriented, trained and equipped accordingly, which is a time-consuming process. Historical experience of operations in these areas indicates that the theatre commanders by virtue of such long borders and wide span of control, had a tendency to manage their defensive posture as a higher priority.
To create deterrence and not be reactive, India needs offensive Corps Commanders to be looking for objectives into adversary’s territory and posturing accordingly. The logistics requirements and equipment profiling of an offensive corps have to be much different in terms of light tanks, guns, clothing and other equipment. It needs detailed planning and earmarking resources, which IBG’s are not designed to handle, and Theatre Headquarters will find it difficult to concentrate on offensive build-up, due to large span of control.
The Mountain Strike Corps Commander will be able to pick up his objectives across LAC, capable of threatening its vital objectives, oriented, trained, equipped and organized with logistics set up to sustain forces across LAC, which will improve punitive deterrence capability of India. There may be a need to locate parts of such offensive corps at heights to minimize the acclimatization requirements, to cut short the mobilization timings. It is therefore recommended that the Mountain Strike Corps must be developed with Corps Headquarters, IBG and other components as part of it, on priority. This will impose required cost on China, making settlement of LAC/border issue a better option than not doing so.
Future Military Strategy In Dealing With Aggressive China
India needs to adopt multi-pronged strategy to include military, economic, diplomatic and other elements of power. Preparing for ‘Two Front War’ for India is not a choice, but a compulsion, although it may/may not happen. The only way to avoid ‘Two Front War’ for India, is to convince the potential adversaries that it is capable of fighting it successfully and posing multiple front for China. This convincing has to be backed by building capability to do so. India seems to be working on it, fast-tracking procurements and boosting indigenous production of necessary equipment through ‘Atmanirbhar Bharat’, besides a tough stance by forces on borders. India needs to be prepared to pose a threat to Chinese vulnerabilities in maritime domain in collaboration with Quad and other friendly navies. The overall strategic approach has to be proactive at tactical, operational as well as strategic level.