THE political crisis in Nepal, triggered by the sudden dissolution of Parliament by the President on the recommendation of Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli, has elicited contrasting responses from its neighbours India and China. While India has described the developments as the Himalayan nation’s ‘internal matter’, China has been quick to make an intervention. Chinese ambassador Hou Yanqi has already met President Bidya Devi Bhandari and the ruling Nepal Communist Party’s (NCP) executive chairman PK Dahal, better known as Prachanda. The power tussle within the NCP has intensified this week, with Prachanda removing Oli from the posts of the party’s parliamentary leader and chairman. The Oli faction, in turn, has ousted Prachanda from the executive chairman’s seat.
Political and economic stability in Nepal matter a lot to China as it has invested billions of dollars under its ambitious Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), which includes the Trans-Himalayan Multidimensional Connectivity Network — an economic corridor that consists of several major infrastructure projects. Moreover, in 2018, China had apparently played a role in the merger of Nepal’s two communist parties which were then led by Oli and Prachanda. Regarded as a pro-China leader, Oli had riled India earlier this year by redrawing the country’s political map, laying claim to the Indian territories of Limpiyadhura, Lipulekh and Kalapani. The brazen move had impacted relations between New Delhi and Kathmandu at a time when tensions were running high at the India-China border.
The current turmoil comes amid India’s efforts to restore friendly ties with Nepal through recent visits to that country by Army Chief Gen MM Naravane and Foreign Secretary Harsh Vardhan Shringla. Though India is not keen to meddle in Nepal’s affairs, it can’t afford to let a scheming China undo all the confidence-building measures. New Delhi should keep a close watch on Beijing’s moves and at the same time assure Nepal of its unstinting support, no matter which way the wind blows.
Plea to join stir to mark martyrdom day of Sahibzade
Chandigarh: The protest in Delhi may get a boost over the next three days as farm organisations have urged people of the state to mark the martyrdom day of Chote Sahibzade (younger sons of Guru Gobind Singh) and Mata Gujar Kaur by joining the morcha. The 32 farmer organisations in the state have asked people to pay obeisance at the Fatehgarh Sahib gurdwara before heading to the Singhu border. Earlier, the BKU (Ugrahan) had announced that they would take 30,000 people in two batches to Delhi on December 25 and 26. On December 26, a contingent of 15,000 protesters would march from the Khanauri border, while on December 27, another 15,000 people would start their march from Dabwali.
Priests go on fast in support of farmers
Anandpur Sahib: Religious personalities from the district have come in support of the famers. Former head granthi and two ex-Panj Pyaras of Takht Sri Kesgarh Sahib along with several others observed a one-day fast to express their solidarity with the farming community on Thursday. Former head granthi Giani Sukhwinder Singh along with Hari Singh, Balwinder Singh, Manjinder Singh Brar, Tirath Singh and Harminder Pal Singh reached Guru Ravidas Chowk and sat on a fast. Takht Sri Kesgarh Sahib head granthi Phoola Singh performed ‘ardas’. Giani Sukhwinder Singh urged people to continue a chain hunger strike.
The three-day annual Shaheedi Jor Mela is set to begin tomorrow. Thousands of devotees have already thronged Fatehgarh Sahib for the event.
Every year, the town hosts lakhs of devotees from across the world on the occasion. The district administration has pressed into service mobile Covid testing labs in view of the pandemic. It also plans to distribute one lakh masks among people. The district police have installed CCTV cameras at different locations and will also be using drones for surveillance.
Amneet Kondal, SSP, said the district police had installed high-tech CCTV cameras at all sensitive points in Fatehgarh Sahib. “The district police have launched a mobile app to help devotees get information on parking, medical facilities, medical aid, temporary bus stands, alternative routes and others. People can also register their complaints regarding missing persons or belongings on the app,” she added. — OC
Hundreds of farmers staging a dharna for the past 12 days near Shahjahanpur village in Alwar of Rajasthan today decided to move towards Delhi on Friday afternoon.
“We will not return without getting our demands met,” said national vice president of All India Kisan Sabha and former legislator Amra Ram.
Raja Ram Meel of Jat Mahasabha said farmers from Kota, Bundi, Baran, Sriganganagar, Hanumangarh and Churu had been camping at the Shahjahanpur border since December 13. The joint Kisan Morcha, Rajasthan, has decided to move to the Delhi border on Friday. — OC
Farmer Harpreet Singh sends notice to BJP for misusing his photo
BJP’s post in support of agri laws to counter the social media support to farmers’ agitation, has cost dear to the party, as a farmer, Harpreet Singh (in pic), whose photo was used by the BJP, has slapped a legal notice for illegally using his photograph in the post without his consent.
In the notice, his advocate Hakam Singh has mentioned that Harpreet, alias ‘Harp Farmer’, of Hoshiarpur’s Nadalon village, is a photographer, actor and director, whose picture the BJP used in its pro-farm laws post over social media. Now, he has sought an apology for ‘committing theft of photograph, misusing it without his consent,’ within a week, else he would be filing criminal and defamation case.
The notice was sent to the president/in-charge of the BJP national headquarters, central office of the BJP in Delhi, president/ in-charge of the BJP Punjab state and president/ in-charge of the BJP office in Chandigarh.
It has been alleged that Harpreet’s photograph was illegally procured by the BJP and it has been used in favour of farm laws, whereas on the contrary, he was against the said laws right from the beginning and was actively participating in the protests in Delhi since November 26.
It has been alleged that the photograph was not provided by Harpreet and its use in support of farm laws has hurt his feeling as he does not support these laws. Also, this has made him a subject of ‘mockery’, while farmers and other people were doubting his integrity.
Harpreet, through the notice, has sought from the BJP to delete his photo in the said post within a week and tender an apology on social media and clarify that the photo has not been uploaded with his consent and permission and it was uploaded by them (BJP) and it was a mistake committed by them. A clarification has also been sought through the notice, ‘from where they (BJP) procured the photo illegally and as to why it was misused’.
Farmers reach out to other states through webinar Say stir not just about Pb and Hry, new laws will hurt every citizen
An elderly farmer protests at the Singhu border on Thursday. PTI
Ruchika M Khanna
Tribune News Service
Chandigarh, December 24
Fearing that the “propaganda machinery of the Centre” will succeed in convincing people across the country that the protest in Delhi was only for a cause that affects Punjab and Haryana farmers, a joint forum of the agitating farmers on Thursday launched an outreach programme.
Through a webinar, attended by thousands of people in India and abroad, farm leaders strategically tried to address the public, saying the protest was not just about the doing away with the Agriculture Produce and Market Committees, but also about their effect on the common man as the prices of food would be dictated by corporates.
This made an instant connect with the people of states like Bihar, Tamil Nadu and Maharashtra among others, who otherwise had expressed reservations against the sti. A woman farmer from Bihar said the BJP had been successful in creating the narrative that only two states were against the laws, while these would be beneficial to farmers of other states. “But we know better, as small farmers from Bihar are forced to work as labourers to supplement their meagre incomes after the so-called reforms freed up the mandis.”
Leaders Darshan Pal, Balbir Singh Rajewal, Jagjeet Singh Dallewal, Prem Singh Bhangu, Rajinder Singh Deepsinghwala (from Punjab) and Abhimanyu (from UP) put forth the Essential Commodities (Amendment) Act, saying it allowed corporates to store as much foodgrain or crops, which would help them create huge stockpiles and using these to flood the markets around the harvest time, to artificially lower the prices at which farmers can sell. A farmer from Nagpur said: “This is exactly what the corporates do with citrus fruits. The MSP of all crops should be the legal right of farmers, and the Centre must grant us this right.”
Deepsinghwala, who moderated the session, said to counter the Centre’s narrative, they decided to use social media and give their side of the story regarding the new farm laws and clear the air about the protests. “We wanted to give the message that this is not a political protest. It is a protest to save the lives and livelihoods of farmers,” he said.
ndian Army soldiers atop a T-90 tank in Ladakh | Representational image | ANI
On 18 December India and China resumed diplomatic talksto find a solution for themonths-longcrisis ineastern Ladakh.The Ministry of External Affairssaid, “ Both sides agreed to maintain close consultations at the diplomatic and military level. They agreed that the next (9th) round of Senior Commanders meeting should be held at an early date so that both sides can work towards early and complete disengagement of troops along the LAC in accordance with the existing bilateral agreements and protocols, and fully restore peace and tranquility.”
Recallhow the Indian mediaon 11 November,five days after the eighth round of Senior Commanders’ meeting, had reported that an‘agreement’for disengagement along the KailashRange and north of Pangong Tso was on the cards. I highlighted thepitfallsof such an agreement in mycolumndated 12 November — “If India loses grip on Kailash Range, PLA will make sure we never get it back.”
The premature celebrations by our media to the extent of claiming victory had put the “agreement” in cold storage. It is my assessment that the next round of military talks will revive and refine this agreement before it gets the seal of bothgovernments. Such an agreement enables China to achieve its political aim at India’s cost.Onthe contrary, a stalemate isadefeat for China. I analyse why.
Towards theendofAprilandearly May, thePeople’s Liberation Army (PLA)carried out a surprise operational level manoeuvre by intruding at multiple pointsin Ladakh, deploying two mechanised divisions to secure its 1959 Claim Line. It sulliedIndia’sinternational, regional and military reputation, prevented any further development of border infrastructure and by virtue of its deployment,made large tracts of our territory militarily untenable todefendintheevent of an escalation to limited war.
The question that has intrigued strategic analysts the most is,whydid China,in the middle of the Covidpandemic,alterthe status quo along theLine of Actual Control (LAC)and break five border agreements and 33 years of peace in vogue sincethe 1986-87Sumdorong Chu crisis that lasted one year?On 8 December,Foreign MinisterS. Jaishankar, without giving India’s assessment,said that China has givenfive different explanations for amassing troops on the borders.
Overtly,the confrontation is focussed on the 1959 Claim Line and “areas of differing perceptions” — hardly a reason to break long–standing peace. More so, after the two “one to one” summits betweenPMModi andChinese PresidentXi Jinping,which were hailed as a giant leap forward inIndia-Chinarelations. Indeed,territory isthecore of the Westphalian state system, but China had secured allthestrategic territorythatitneeded toin the 1950s andhadfurther safeguarded this asset by securing more inthe1962 war.
Since then, anunsettled border is merely a tool for China to assert its hegemony, embarrass/humiliate India and undermine its regional, international, and military reputation. The degree to which it precipitates the situation is dependent on the perceived military differential and India’s response. In 1962,it led toawar, whilein 1967 at Nathu La and 1986-87at Sumdorong Chu,it ended in a stalemate.
China wants India to be a cooperative junior partner and not a political, economic and military competitor in the international/regional arena. So long as it perceivesthis situation, peace prevails on the borders.In termsof territory,China wants the 1959 Claim Line to prevail,which militarily ensures the security of the territory usurped by it. Any threat to this line, in the form of the development of border infrastructure,is considered crossingthe redline.
That perception gradually changed from 2008 to 2020 for multiple reasons :
India’s alliance with the US.
India challenging China’s position in the South China Sea (SCS)and Indo-
India’s opposition to the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), in general, and China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), in particular, since it passes through Indian territory occupied by Pakistan.
India’s aggressive strategy in Doklam.
Change in status of Jammu and Kashmir, and an aggressive statement by Union Home Minister Amit Shah that Aksai Chin and PoK/Gilgit-Baltistan are part of J&K/Ladakh.
PM Modi’s status as an international leader is seen as a challenge to President Xi Jinping.
But the immediate trigger was India’s rapidly developing border infrastructure in Depsang Plains, Galwan Valley, Gogra-Hot Springs-Kugrang River, north of Pangong Tso and Chumar, which poses a threat to Aksai Chin and other territories usurped by China.
And so, China set a strategic aim for itself to reassert its hegemony by precipitating a situation on the LAC to embarrass India and undermine India’s international and regional status as an emerging power, cut Modi down to size, and ensure the status of the borders on its terms.
When it came to execution, China’s strategic military aims were to:
Neutralise the developing threat to Aksai Chin and other territories due to India’s development ofborder infrastructure.
Permanently secure territory up to1959 Claim Line in areas left out in 1962 or not occupied later.
Put the onus on India to escalate and in case it obliges, capture, through a limited war,Depsang Plains-DBO, area up to Galwan-Shyok river junction, all territory up to north bank of Pangong Tso, Kailash Range and Indus Valley up to the Ladakh Range.
The PLA achieved strategic surprise and pre-emptively secured all its military objectives without firing a shot. India was unable to pre-empt the PLA andreliedondenial, obfuscation and appeasement to wish the problem away or at least hope that the PLA would agree to status quo ante as in the past. At this juncture,China seemed to have achieved its political and military aims.
The shameful incidenton the interveningnightof15-16 June,in which20Indiansoldiers were killed in action, rudely wokeIndiaupto facethe strategic reality.TheIndian armed forces mobilised with nearly twice the force levelthatthe PLA had used to prevent further loss of territory,and also positioned reserves for offensive action. TheModigovernment wisely decided not to escalate the situation,which would have given China casus belli to exploit the military differential to make strategic gainsdue to the positional advantage the PLA had secured through pre–emption. The government took a firm stand on restoration of status quo ante during diplomatic and military engagements.
TheIndian Army’s counter manoeuvre to seize the KailashRange onthenightof29–30 August to a great extent neutralised the advantages gained by the PLA. At this juncture,the situation is that of a stalemate.
There should be no doubt that China has not been able to achieve the end state it desired — make India accept the 1959 Claim Line and stop further development of infrastructure. India has partially restored its international and military reputation. The onus is now on China to escalatethe matterto a limited warandinflict a sharp defeat if itwants to impose its willin full. As a superior power, China does not want to be seen as an initiator of war and neither does India.
Moreover,thefear of a stalemateor asetback inhibits China. Unfavourable military differential and fear of a setback,the probability of which is high, prevents India from having any ambitious military aims beyond thecurrentstalemate.
We should not be in a hurry to agree to disengageordeescalate. Any agreement, with or without buffer zones where no patrolling/deployment/infrastructure development will be carried out,should be all–encompassing,covering the entire LAC from Karakoram to Chumar and must include its demarcation.
TheSumdorong Chu standoff lasted overayear and the stalemate led to the 1993 border agreement. We have a similar opportunity now and we must persevere. With us sitting ontheKailash Range, even with limited loss of territory intheDepsang Plains and north of Pangong Tso, we have forced astalemateon China.And a stalemate is a defeat for a superior power!
Lt Gen H S Panag PVSM, AVSM (R) served in the Indian Army for 40 years. He was GOC in C Northern Command and Central Command. Post retirement, he was Member of Armed Forces Tribunal. Views are personal.
Army’s ‘Tour of Duty’ proposal is a harebrained idea. Won’t be good for India’s frontline
File photo | New Army recruits being attested after successful completion of their training at the Mahar Regiment Centre | Facebook/Indianarmy.adgpi
There are ideas, damned ideas and then there’s the Indian Army’s ‘Tour of Duty’ proposal. An ill-conceived scheme to allow young ‘Agniveers’ (military tourists, apparently) to follow the ‘Agnipath’ (serve in the combat forces) and experience the thrill of action where it’s at, in uniform for three years before moving on to other walks of life. Those taken in by the call to arms can presumably re-enlist and continue in Service as per the laid down terms of engagement for regular soldiers (who are only Veers).
The ostensible aim of such an exercise is manifold we are told; it will provide an opportunity to those youth fired by a desire to serve the nation but are unable to do so, because the current colourservice norms for soldiers are too long; it will provide the Army (it may get extended to the Navy and Air Force as well, as per ThePrint report) with the young personnel it needs on the borders, though for a very short time only, without any long-term financial burden, especially pension; and there would be a cadre of such well-disciplined Indian patriots ready to go back into civilian life and raise the bar for work and well being of society. And yes, it would even be an employment generator for India in trying times and reap the demographic dividend we haven’t really encashed thus far.
With such noble ideas, what could go wrong? Well, there’s enough in the proposal that needs to be examined and dissected to point out to the enthusiastic votaries of the scheme as to why this is such a harebrained idea.
To start with, under the regular terms of service and recruitment for officers and personnel, candidates undergo an entrance test, physical fitness and medical exam before trotting off to academies or training centres for nine-ten months to a year-and-a-half before being posted in the field Army. It is to be believed that there would be no entrance test for the agniveers. Now for a three-year tour of duty, even if such training is shortened — which is definitely not advisable if you are sending off the future agniveers to where bullets and shells may fly — effectively about 18-26 months would accrue in the kitty with field units, and some annual leave too would have to be given, or else the agniveer would be a very dull boy at the end of it all. Now imagine how such individuals, bubbling with national fervour, would be perceived in units where close cooperation and long-term bonding gets you safely through combat drills and dangerous situations. The reader may well imagine the muddle such induction of military tourists would induce in frontline fighting units.
A pertinent question we need to ask is, how are political leanings of such individuals going to be kept in check? They are only going to be in the armed forces for a short term and may be more inclined to show their like/dislike for a given political ideology, knowing full well that their Service conditions allow them greater leeway than a regular recruit for whom it is “naam-namak-nishan” and nothing else. This issue cannot just be brushed under the carpet because it has consequences for the much-needed apolitical character of the Army.
Finally, how well will these agniveers perform and how will their work be judged against those of the regular cadre? Please think these through before enthusiastically creating a government notification for it, because the Army is not an adventure camp. It deals with serious life and death business, in which so many important issues are at stake.
Our sagacious leaders at the top are all well versed with the limited but important points highlighted here, and must not succumb to political pressure and accept even a pilot project to try out this scheme, let alone allow it to spread its wings to cover other Services as well. There are other ways to reduce the burgeoning defence pension bill, but this scheme is definitely not it. If forced to push it through, the fighting efficiency and cohesion that our frontline units have displayed, even under the most trying circumstances, will be diluted immeasurably, and that would be a national travesty of our own doing.
File photo | Defence Minister Rajnath Singh addresses troops at the Pangong Tso in Ladakh, 17 July | Photo: ANI
New Delhi: With summers expected to heighten tensions in eastern Ladakh, the government has fast-tracked the construction of 12 indigenous fast patrol vessels with specialised capabilities to counter Chinese boats in the Pangong Tso.
Sources in the defence and security establishment told ThePrint that the Goa Shipyard will be asked to prioritise the construction of the new vessels for Pangong Tso, which is frozen during winter.
“The timeline will be part of the final contract to be signed. These are extraordinary times and hence the project will be fast-tracked,” a source said.
Sources said that normally a shipyard would take about a year to construct the vessels but the Goa Shipyard, which won the contract this week, will be asked to expedite the process so that the vessels could be deployed sooner than expected.
The 135-km long Pangong Tso, a landlocked lake that is partly in the Ladakh region and partly in Tibet, has seen tensions between India and China since May.
The lake’s northern bank juts forward like a palm, and the various protrusions are identified as “fingers” to demarcate territory. India asserts that the Line of Actual Control is at Finger 8, but China claims areas up to Finger 2 even though patrol by vehicles on land are only until Finger 4.
It is in the waters of the lake, two-thirds of which is controlled by China, with just about 45 km on the Indian side, that the Chinese carry out aggressive manoeuvres.
More powerful and bigger than current vessels
The sources said that the new Army vessels are bigger and more powerful than the ones being used by the troops currently.
Also, unlike earlier ones, the new vessels will have steel hulls, which will come handy to counter the alleged Chinese tactics of ramming their vessels onto Indian boats.
The ramming often ends up damaging the Indian boats. Moreover, the Chinese have bigger vessels, which carry double of what the current Indian vessels allow.
Sources said that a specialised team from the Navy had gone to the Pangong Tso and studied the terrain and challenges.
The final technical requirements for the boats was firmed up by the Army, taking into consideration the inputs provided by the Navy.
