Sanjha Morcha

Neither East, Nor West, Only China | Opinion

Iran’s proposed long-term alignment with China has domestic opponents, who fear the loss of sovereignty

Iran’s proposed long-term alignment with China has domestic opponents, who fear the loss of sovereignty(AP)

“Neither East, nor West” was Ayatollah Khomeini’s slogan for the reconstruction of a post-revolution Iran. This no longer seems to hold in Tehran, if fresh reports of a wide-ranging strategic pact between Iran and China are any indication. Though neither side has officially confirmed details, the Iranian cabinet has signed off on an agreement that has been in the works since President Xi Jinping’s visit to Tehran in January 2016.

Even if the leaked details are not yet agreed upon, they reveal a direction and scope that should cause major concern to India. Under a 25-year pact, China will invest $400 billion in Iran’s petroleum sector as well as its core infrastructure — banking, telecom, ports, airports, high-speed railways, metro and free-trade zones. Iran will become a crucial pivot of China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), linking China to Europe. A military dimension envisages joint military exercises, joint training, joint research and development of weapons. China will get assured supplies of Iranian oil, gas and petroleum products at highly discounted prices.

Iran moving closer to China should not come as a surprise. United States (US) President Donald Trump, on a collision course with Iran, walked out of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) signed in 2015 between Iran and P5+1 (Germany) and the European Union. The plan had the potential of gradually closing Iran’s nuclear weapons window and reviving its economy through lifting sanctions and de-freezing its assets. Instead, Trump again imposed crippling sanctions and the European signatories — Germany, France and the United Kingdom (UK) — though unhappy with the US withdrawal, showed timid resolve. Iran’s economy, based on petroleum exports, has contracted severely; investments have dried up for fear of sanctions; and the pandemic has taken a heavy toll. Iran clearly needs an economic lifeline as well as international support to counter the US-Israel axis. China is willing to provide both, and in a larger strategic landscape, the two can align interests with Russia. As proof of its intent, and perhaps an indication of the coming pact, China recently opposed US efforts in the United Nations Security Council to extend an arms embargo on Iran and, on July 14, reiterated its support for JCPOA.

However, this proposed long-term alignment with China has its opponents. Former president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad has led the criticism, and, oddly, found support from Prince Reza Pahlavi, the late Shah’s son; an example of a revolutionary mindset combining with a deep sense of Persian superiority. There are fears that Iran’s valuable natural resources will be mortgaged to an untrustworthy partner. Religious hardliners point to China’s repression of the Uighur Muslims. The Majlis — the Iranian parliament — is now dominated by conservatives; most reformist candidates were disqualified by the regime as it circled the wagons in the face of rising public discontent. These conservative members are likely to react strongly to any suggestion of ceding sovereignty to China for economic gains when the pact is put to them. The Supreme Leader, however, supports the proposed deal. This, combined with the attraction of economic prosperity, makes it difficult to say where this needle will stop.

All of this, however, is only cold comfort to India. China’s increased political and economic influence on Tehran can squeeze us on several fronts.

First, Tehran has watched our growing proximity to the US and Israel with a resentful sullenness. The cutting of oil imports and delays in project implementation have further shown the limits of the bilateral relationship; “civilisational links” can only take us only so far and no more. Iran’s pact with China will strengthen the perception that we are in “the other camp”. Given our energy dependence and large diaspora, great power rivalry would not be our preferred game in West Asia.

Second, China’s influence will facilitate better relations between Iran and Pakistan, already evident in the conciliatory attitude shown by Pakistan to militant attacks from across the border in Balochistan. The two could also narrow their differences on Afghanistan, with a direct impact on India’s interests.

Third, Chinese investment in ports and railways can hamper India’s plans to get access to Central Asia and beyond through Iran. The report that India will no longer be part of the Chabahar-Zahidan railway project foreshadows this scenario. Iran’s ambassador in Islamabad has spoken of a “golden ring” of China, Russia, Iran, Pakistan and Turkey and of a western arm to the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC)+ that would link Gwadar and Chabahar to China by rail through Pakistan. Further, our own economic limitations and the shadow of US sanctions will make it difficult for Indian companies to compete in Iran, particularly if the hundred proposed projects are aligned to a Chinese economic paradigm.

Fourth, even if the Chinese do not get a major slice of Chabahar, they are keen to participate in the development of Bandar-e-Jask, the port outside the Straits of Hormuz. Iran envisages Jask as its main oil-loading point in the near future; it can then close the Straits without harming its own exports. In a worst-case scenario, Jask could become another Chinese dual-use port and with Gwadar and Djibouti threaten India’s energy and maritime security in the Arabian Sea.

All of this may not happen, but we cannot afford to wait for the Majlis to kill this deal, or for Joe Biden to become US president and wean Iran away from China. Our interests are immediate: A strong outreach to Iran with expedited work on Chabahar and its integration into the North-South Transport Corridor as well as a vigorous follow-up on Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s successful 2015 Central Asian visit would be timely initiatives to consider.


‘Disengagement an intricate process, needs constant verification’: Army

The focus of the current round of military talks is to hammer out a consensus on easing tensions between the two armies in the Finger Area and Depsang plains as well as pulling back weapons and equipment from friction points in other sectors.

The government’s high-powered China Study Group (CSG) on Wednesday reviewed the latest developments in eastern Ladakh, with focus on the next stage of disengagement between the Indian and Chinese armies following the 14-hour meeting between senior military commanders.

The focus of the current round of military talks is to hammer out a consensus on easing tensions between the two armies in the Finger Area and Depsang plains as well as pulling back weapons and equipment from friction points in other sectors.(PTI)

India and China remain committed to “complete disengagement” which is an “intricate process” and “requires constant verification”, the Indian Army said in a statement on Thursday, two days after senior military commanders from both sides met at Chushul to discuss the road map for reducing tensions along the contested Line of Actual Control (LAC).

“The senior commanders reviewed the progress on implementation of the first phase of disengagement and discussed further steps to ensure complete disengagement,” army spokesperson Colonel Aman Anand said.

The government’s high-powered China Study Group (CSG) on Wednesday reviewed the latest developments in eastern Ladakh, with focus on the next stage of disengagement between the Indian and Chinese armies following the 14-hour meeting between senior military commanders.

“The two sides remain committed to the objective of complete disengagement. This process is intricate and requires constant verification. They are taking it forward through regular meetings at diplomatic and military level,” Anand said in the statement. He said India and China have been engaged in discussions through established military and diplomatic channels to address the prevailing situation along the LAC.

On the fourth meeting between the senior commanders on July 14, he said the engagement was consistent with the consensus reached between the Special Representatives of India and China on July 5 to discuss complete disengagement.

The CSG, which is the apex policy advisor to the government on China, on Wednesday evaluated the proposals and counter-proposals discussed at the corps commander-level talks before charting out the course for the next round of disengagement that is expected to begin in the Finger Area near Pangong Tso.

The focus of the current round of military talks is to hammer out a consensus on easing tensions between the two armies in the Finger Area and Depsang plains as well as pulling back weapons and equipment from friction points in other sectors.

“The involvement of the CSG reflects a synergised approach and response. India is minutely evaluating all aspects of disengagement, which will be a lengthy and laborious process,” said Lieutenant General Vinod Bhatia (retd), a former director general of military operations.

A fifth meeting between delegations led by Lieutenant General Harinder Singh, commander of the Leh-based 14 Corps, and Major General Liu Lin, commander of the South Xinjiang military region could take place soon to discuss different aspects of disengagement, officials said.

Even as disengagement and de-escalation is being discussed and monitored in the highest echelons of the government, defence minister Rajnath Singh will visit Ladakh for a security review on July 17. Singh will also visit forward areas in Jammu and Kashmir on July 18. Army chief General Manoj Mukund Naravane will accompany the minister on the two-day tour.

The military is keeping a strict vigil on the western front to deter Pakistan from fishing in troubled waters and prevent what could turn out to be a two-front conflict, as reported by Hindustan Times on July 2.

The minister will visit Ladakh two weeks after Prime Minister Narendra Modi made an unscheduled visit to the sector on July 3. The PM then declared that the “era of expansionism” is over, sending a strong signal to China about India’s determination to defend its borders.

The July 14 meeting was the fourth round of talks between the corps commander-ranked officers of the two armies who made previous attempts to reduce tensions along the border on June 6, June 22 and June 30.

Negotiations are expected to be far harder this time as the continued presence of the PLA in the Finger Area and the Depsang sector could be the sticking point in the talks.

In Tuesday’s talks, the agenda included the step-wise withdrawal of weapons and equipment to mutually agreed distances from all friction areas along the LAC and thinning the military buildup in the region.

The military dialogue will be followed by another meeting of the Working Mechanism for Consultation and Coordination (WMCC) on border affairs. The military commanders set the time-frame and method of disengagement while the WMCC monitors the process.

The disengagement effort involves rival troops pulling back a specified distance from face-off sites, with further retreat taking place in phases as the plan progresses on a verifiable basis on the ground every 72 hours by both sides.

The military build-up in Indian and Chinese depth areas hasn’t thinned, with both sides keeping their guard up. The deployment of thousands of soldiers, fighter jets, helicopters, tanks, artillery guns, missile systems and air defence weapons continues in the region.


Supreme Court directs Centre to make new appointments in AFT in one month

A three-judge bench headed by Chief Justice of India (CJI) Sharad Arvind Bobde also said that the court is inclined to extend by 3 months the tenure of officers retiring on July 22 and 23.

“We will extend the tenure. In the meantime, Union can make regular appointments,” CJI Bobde said directing the Central government to make appointments in one month.

We will extend the tenure. In the meantime, Union can make regular appointments,” CJI Bobde said directing the Central government to make appointments in one month.(File photo)

The Supreme Court on Thursday pulled up the Central government for not making timely appointments of judicial members in the Armed Forces Tribunal (AFT) and directed it to do the same within a period of one month.

A three-judge bench headed by Chief Justice of India (CJI) Sharad Arvind Bobde also said that the court is inclined to extend by 3 months the tenure of officers retiring on July 22 and 23.

“We will extend the tenure. In the meantime, Union can make regular appointments,” CJI Bobde said directing the Central government to make appointments in one month.

Attorney General KK Venugopal, appearing for the Union of India, suggested giving a time of three weeks to consider names for appointments and said that there will be a huge vacuum in the tribunal as officers are retiring on July 22 and 23.

Pulling up the Attorney General, the CJI said, “When we enabled you to make appointments, you haven’t done anything. Why must we give you directions every time?”

Venugopal, responding to the apex court, said that the same could not be done due to certain difficulties. (ANI)


Punjab: ‘What Kind of Government Defines a Martyr on the Basis of a Time Frame?’

Kusum Arora

writer :Kusum Arora

At least 12 families of war heroes have been denied benefits from the state’s Honour and Gratitude Policy for various bureaucratic reasons.

Punjab: ‘What Kind of Government Defines a Martyr on the Basis of a Time Frame?’

Jalandhar: Palwinder Kaur was five months pregnant when her husband Rajinder Singh, a sepoy in 22 Punjab Regiment, was killed while deployed in the Poonch sector of Jammu and Kashmir on November 1, 1998. He was awarded the Shaurya Chakra posthumously.

Four months later, by the time her son had been born, Palwinder’s life had changed. She was a single mother and she was waiting for financial assistance from the Punjab government.

It is now 2020 and Palwinder is still waiting for some sort of assistance from the state government. Her 21-year-old son, Ravinder Singh, has been shuttling between government offices in search of a job. He is not entitled to one because the Punjab government’s Honour and Gratitude Policy bars soldiers martyred on or before 1999 from any government support or job.

“My husband sacrificed his life while eliminating four militants during Operation Rakshak and was awarded the Shaurya Chakra. He is a shaheed (martyr) because he died fighting for the country,” Palwinder tells The Wire from Kalanaur in Gurdaspur district. “Now, when I see my son, Ravinder, running from pillar to post for a government job, I am miserable. Only my husband’s regiment has remained in touch with us since then. We have been conveniently forgotten by all the governments in the state.”

‘Please return my father’

Punjab’s Honour and Gratitude Policy was enacted on August 19, 1999, to benefit the families of those members of the defence forces who have been killed while serving India. Before this, the Punjab government provided a monetary allowance to the families of gallantry award winners such as Param Vir Chakra, Maha Vir Chakra, Vir Chakra, Ashok Chakra, Kirti Chakra and Shaurya Chakra. However, the families of soldiers who were awarded the Shaurya Chakra, the Kirti Chakra and the Vir Chakra were left out of the list of beneficiaries in the Honour and Gratitude Policy.

The policy was amended on June 27, 2000, allowing job benefits for the dependents of those soldiers who had been awarded the Param Vir Chakra, Maha Vir Chakra or Vir Chakra posthumously before January 1, 1999. There have been further amendments to the policy since then, but because the policy specifies a certain time frame, Palwinder’s family is still not entitled to any benefits.

On June 18, 2020, Punjab chief minister Captain Amarinder Singh increased the ex-gratia amount for soldiers killed in action from Rs 10 lakh to Rs 50 lakh. He also said government jobs would be available for the next of kin, but made no mention of a time frame for battle casualties.

Meanwhile, Ravinder Singh is in college, but needs work. “I can’t recall how many times I have fruitlessly visited the office of Defence Services Welfare, Punjab, in Chandigarh,” he says. “It hurts to see such apathy when chief minister Captain Amarinder Singh himself is an army officer. The personnel department recommended an amendment to the policy last year but our case is still pending.”

Also read: On Permanent Commission for Women Officers, the Army Continues to Drag Its Feet

Ravinder’s great grandfather, Ujagar Singh, served in the First British Army. His grandfather, Pooran Singh, a junior commissioned officer, served in 3 Punjab Regiment. His father died for India.

Now the only thing Ravinder can do is administer his Twitter handle, ‘War Widows of Punjab’. He wants justice from the Punjab government for the families of 12 soldiers who died like his father.

Sepoy Raunki Singh from 11 Sikh Light Infantry was killed on August 12, 1997, and received the Shaurya Chakra posthumously. His wife and four daughters received no help from the state government.

“Soon after my husband’s demise, my in-laws threw me out of their home in Jagraon, Ludhiana. My daughters and I settled in Batala, where my parents lived,” says Daljit Kaur, widow of Raunki Singh.“All these years, we remained solely dependent on my husband’s pension, though my husband’s regiment helped me during my daughter’s wedding. But despite having received a gallantry award for my husband’s valour, I remain a war widow on paper only.”

Daljit Kaur’s daughter, Gurmeet Kaur, became a nursing assistant so she could contribute to the family’s budget. “We have been waiting for government assistance for the past 23 years and sent a letter to that effect to the Punjab chief minister this February,” says Gurmeet. “These days, the Punjab government does not even wait for the announcement of gallantry awards; it assists the families of martyrs within a couple of days. But my father’s bravery has been ignored. Je sarkar kuch nahi kar sakdi, ta saade shaheed sanu wapis kar do. Mere papa mainu wapis kar do (If the government cannot do anything for us, please return our martyrs. Please return my father).”

‘This policy is wrong’

Over the years, state governments have announced that they will amend the Honour and Gratitude Policy. This includes the SAD-BJP government that had come to power in an earlier state election. So far, however, no changes have actually been made.

Jalandhar resident Gulshan Sandhu, the son of Lieutenant Joga Singh, has also been following up with the Punjab government on this issue. Gulshan’s father was killed while fighting militants in the Uri sector of J&K on October 21, 1998 and was conferred the Shaurya Chakra posthumously.

Sepoy Satpal Singh from 9 Mahar Regiment was killed on November 11, 1994, while fighting militants in Doda district of J&K. His son, Bhupinderjit Singh (31), has completed his elementary teacher training, but was not provided with a government job. Today, Bhupinderjit runs a turban tying shop in Gurdaspur to make his living.

“My father is also a recipient of the Shaurya Chakra but what is the benefit?” he asks.“My case for a government job is still pending with the department of school education and also the personnel department. I was told a decision could be taken only after a cabinet meeting. Some years ago, we applied for a gas agency for war widows, but even that was denied.”

Also read: J&K Militancy Suffers Significant Losses as Security Forces Amp Operations Amidst Lockdown

The families of Jalandhar-based Shaurya Chakra awardee Major H.P.S. Sandhu, who was killed in action during a counter-insurgency operation in 1993 and Vir Chakra awardee Lance Naik Prem Singh from 2 Dogra Regiment, who was killed in Siachen Glacier in 1989 are also hoping that the state government will amend the Honour and Gratitude Policy.

The family of Naib/Subedar Baldev Raj from the 17 JAK Rifles who received the Kirti Chakra posthumously is also a victim of this policy. A resident of Pathankot, Baldev Raj was martyred in Baramulla in J&K in 1992.

His son, Manmohan Singh, who works at a pesticide unit in Kathua, Jammu, said he was just 3.5 years old when his father was martyred.

“We survived on our father’s meagre pension and my mother started sewing to raise me and my two brothers,” he says.“After my graduation, I spent six years approaching the state government for a job, but my request was turned down because of this wrong policy. It is sad that the Punjab government defines its ‘martyrs’ on the basis of a time frame.”

Waiting for an amendment

According to Gurkirat Kirpal Singh, secretary of Defence Services Welfare, Punjab, the organisation has sent a demand to the Personnel Department to amend the policy. Now they are waiting to see what happens.

Brigadier Satinder Singh (retd), director of the Defence Services Welfare, Punjab, says he wrote to the Punjab government for an amendment to the policy two months ago. “I strongly recommended that they add the families of Ashok Chakra, Shaurya Chakra and Kirti Chakra awardees to the policy,” he tells The Wire. “There was an amendment to the policy in 2017, but these families were still left out. I am hopeful that the government will address this issue soon.”


Covid Reporting Procedure For ECHS Beneficiaries .

The procedure for patients with covid 19 symptoms is as follows
1. Report to PC ( Polyclinic) with photocopies of both sides of ECHS Card and Adhar Card.
2. MO examines.
3. MO decides whether it is a Covid suspect case or not.
4. If the patient is a covid 19 suspect, an ICMR form is filled by PC and signed by MO. Also, a regular referral form is prepared and signed by OIC PC and MO.
5. Patient is directed to Report to Central Lab with
a. Copies of Adhar Card both sides, ECHS Card both sides, ICMR form and Referral Form duly signed.
6. Patient should contact Central Lab on telephone, PC will assist.
7. Central Lab fixes a time for taking sample which will be taken at patient’s residence. Patient should handover the documents to lab representative.
8. Results of the test is intimated in 24 hrs.
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23 YO Gurtej Singh: An Inspiration For Today’s Youth

The India-China stand-off has brought one important thing to the forefront – how the Indian Armed Forces fight on the borders to ensure we stay safe within the country.

Gurtej Singh

The Galwan valley clash martyred 20 of our soldiers, but they ensured that there is no land grabbing by the Chinese troops. Amongst them was 3 Punjab’s Ghatak Platoon’s, Gurtej Singh. He fought against all the odds and despite losing his own life for it, took down 12 Chinese soldiers. This is his story.
Twenty-three-year-old Gurtej Singh hailed from Beerewala village in Punjab’s Mansa district. He joined the Army in December 2018. He had always been keen to serve the army, and the dream came true when he joined the Sikh regiment.
On the evening of 15 June 2020, the 16th Bihar regiment was posted in the valley and came under immense fire. The 3 Punjab’s Ghatak Platoon was called upon to reinforce the outmanoeuvred fighters. The Medium Arty regiment’s Sikh gunners rushed out to help to carry their customary kirpan and an assortment of sticks, rods and sharp knives only.

Sources from the military state that four Chinese soldiers attacked Singh. He swung around two of them, and as two others tried to pin him down, he dragged all four of them towards the cliff and flung them over. He lost his balance though and slipped. But he got stuck in a boulder that stopped his free fall.

Though he was injured severely in the neck and head, he rewrapped his turban and pulled himself back to the fight. He used his kirpan to fight more soldiers until he could snatch a sharp weapon from a Chinese soldier. He further took down seven Chinese soldiers making the tally to 11 before one stabbed him from behind. But before going down, he killed his final 12th enemy with his kirpan too.
His mortal remains reached home on 19 June 2020 where the final rites were conducted amidst full military honours. Leaders of military and government paid their homage to this braveheart. Slogans of ‘Gurtej Singh Amar Rahe’ and ‘Bole So Nihal Sat Sri Akal’ were heard from the many villagers from in and around his native village.

His father said, “There’s the grief of losing a son, but I also feel proud of the fact that he laid down his life for the country.” He is survived by his father Virsa Singh, mother Parkash Kaur and two elder brothers. He was supposed to attend his brother’s wedding a week prior but decided to stay back at his post as the situation in Galwan valley was tense.

Gurtej Singh might not be there anymore amongst us, but it is inspiring and a lesson for today’s youth. We salute the braveheart for his sacrifice.


The old shepherd you see in the photo was actually the biggest military asset once

.Read the entire post and we cannot but bow down our heads at his feet.*

In 2008, Field Marshal Sam Manekshaw was admitted to Wellington Hospital, Tamil Nadu. He often kept taking a name *Pagi-Pagi*- in his ill-health and semi concious state.The doctors asked one day “Sir, who is this Paagi?”

This is based on what Sam sahib himself narrated….

In 1971 India had won the war. General Manekshaw was in Dhaka and ordered that Pagi be invited for dinner that day. A Chopper was sent. While boarding the chopper, a bag belonging to Pagi remained left on the ground and the chopper was turned back to pick it up.The officers opened the bag before placing it in the helicopter as per the rules and were stunned because it had two rotis, onions and a dish of gram flour (gathiya).One half of the meal was eaten by Sam Sahab and the other by Pagi for dinner.

A border post of *Suigaon* at the International Border region of North Gujarat was named *Ranchoddas post*. This was the first time that an army post was named after a common man as well as a statue of his installed.

Pagi means ‘guide’ , the person who shows the way in the desert.Ranchoddas Rabari,the man in the picture,was affectionately called *Pagi* by General Sam Manekshaw.

Ranchoddas of *Pathapur Gathras*, a village bordering Pakistan in *Banaskantha* district of Gujarat was where he used to rear Sheep, goat and camel. Life changed when, at the age of 58,he was appointed the police guide by the Banaskantha Superintendent of Police, Vanraj Singh Jhala.

The guide’s skill was such that after seeing the footprints of the camel, he used to tell how many men are riding on it. By looking at the footprints of humans,he used to guess their weight, their age and how far they must have gone.His estimations had the exactness of a computer analysis.

In the beginning of 1965 war, Pakistan Army captured *Vidhkot* in *Kutch* border in Gujarat.In this encounter, about 100 Indian soldiers were killed.A 10,000 men Indian Army contingent was mobilised and had to reach *Chharkot* in three days.The need for Ranchoddas Pagi was felt for the first time by the army.Due to his grip on the desert paths, he guided the army to the destination 12 hours before the scheduled time. He was personally chosen by Sam Saheb to guide the army and a special post was created in the army ‘Pagi’ ie the person with knowledge of feet.

The location and approximate number of 1200 Pakistani soldiers hiding at the Indian border was revealed based only by their footprints, and that was enough for the Indian Army to win that front.

Along with the guidance of the army in the 1971 war, getting ammunition to the front was also part of Pagi’s work. Pagi’s role was important in the victory of the Indian tricolor on the *Palinagar* city of Pakistan. Sam Sahib himself gave a cash prize of ₹ 300 from his own pocket.

Pagi also received three honors for his contribution in the 65 and 71 wars – * *Sangram Medal*, *Police Medal* and *Summer Service Medal*!

Field Marshal Sam Manekshaw died on 27 June 2008 and in 2009 Pagi also took ‘voluntary retirement’ from the army. Pagi was 108 years old then! Yes, you read it right … ‘voluntary retirement’ at the age of 108! Pagi died in 2013 at the age of 112.

Even today his exploits are a part of Gujarati folk songs. His gallant saga will be sung for ages. Ranchoddas Rabari i.e. our ‘Pagi’ has become immortalized forever in Indian military history due to his patriotism, valor, bravery, sacrifice, dedication and decency.


Army chief Narvane visits forward areas along IB in Pathankot-Jammu region

During the visit, the Army chief reviewed the security situation and emphasised on ‘zero tolerance’ against ceasefire violations by Pakistan and infiltration attempts.

Army Chief General MM Naravane (2nd R) during his visit along along the border in Jammu, Samba and Pathankot region

Army Chief General MM Naravane (2nd R) during his visit along along the border in Jammu, Samba and Pathankot region | PTI Photo
Jammu: Army Chief Gen M M Naravane on Monday visited forward areas along the International Border (IB) and reviewed the security situation and operational readiness of the troops deployed on ground in the Jammu-Pathankot region, a defence spokesperson said.

He visited areas falling under the operational command of the Rising Star Corps, including Kathua, Samba, Jammu and Pathankot, to review the security situation.

The Chief of Army Staff was received here by Lt Gen R P Singh, General Officer Commanding-in-Chief, Western Command, Lt Gen Upendra Dwivedi, GOC Rising Star Corps, Maj Gen V B Nair, GOC Tiger Division and Air Commodore A S Pathania, Air Officer Commanding (AOC), Air Force station Jammu, the spokesperson said.

Gen Naravane was briefed by Lt Gen Dwivedi on the operational preparedness, upgradation of security infrastructure and the internal security matters.

The Army chief, accompanied by GOC Tiger Division, reviewed operational preparedness in the forward areas, the spokesperson said.

He interacted with the field formation commanders and troops on ground during the visit.

Gen Naravane also visited the forward areas of Gurj Division and was briefed by Maj Gen Y P Khanduri, GOC Gurj Division, he added.

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He reinstated the fact of ‘zero tolerance’ against ceasefire violations by Pakistan and infiltration attempts by terrorists.

He further highlighted that all agencies of the services and government are working together relentlessly and will continue to do the same to defeat the nefarious design of proxy war being fuelled by our adversaries.

The Army chief addressed all ranks of the Western Command through video conferencing and lauded the morale of the troops.

He expressed confidence in the Indian Army’s capabilities to thwart any misadventure by the enemies of the country and handle any situation.

He also commended the efforts of all the formations of the Western Command in the fight against the COVID-19 pandemic by supporting the ongoing ‘Op Namaste’.


Also readIndia’s credibility will be hit if our posture on China doesn’t match new realities at LAC


India planning to order Heron drones, Spike anti-tank guided missiles from Israel

A Heron 1 UAV in flight

A Heron 1 UAV in flight | Representational image | Commons
New Delhi: Engaged in a boundary dispute with China in eastern Ladakh, India is planning to enhance its surveillance capabilities and firepower by placing orders for Heron surveillance drones and Spike anti-tank guided missiles from Israel under the emergency financial powers granted by the government. The Heron unmanned aerial vehicles are already in the Air Force, Navy, and the Army and are being used extensively at the moment by both Army surveillance and Target acquisition batteries and Air Force in the Ladakh sector.

“There is a need for acquisition of Heron UAVs to add to the existing fleet of these drones for meeting the requirements of our Air Force fleet. We are planning to place orders for these UAVs,” government sources told ANI here without specifying the numbers to be procured.

The Heron has been in service with the three defence wings for several years now and can fly continuously for more than two days at a stretch providing reconnaissance from an altitude of more than 10 kilometres.

The forces are also working towards inducting an armed version of the UAV, as well as upgrading the existing fleet into combat UAVs under the ambitious ‘Project Cheetah’ spearheaded by the Indian Air Force.

On the other hand, the Army is planning to place orders for more Spike anti-tank guided missiles which were received by it last year from Israel under the emergency financial powers granted to the services in the Post-Balakot air strikes scenario.

Last time, the Army had gone in for 12 launchers and 200 Spike missiles.

“We are planning to acquire more of these anti-tank missiles for tackling any threat from the enemy armoured regiments,” the sources said.

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In the meanwhile, DRDO is working towards developing the indigenous Man-Portable Anti Tank Guided Missile (MP-ATGM) which will meet the bulk requirement of over 50,000 of these missiles needed by the Infantry units.

The defence forces have also initiated requirements for acquiring Spice-2000 bombs, assault rifles, ammunition and missiles, and some platforms for meeting the requirements in case the situation escalates further on the Line of Actual Control.

China has done massive build up along the LAC with the deployment of 20,000 troops and its heavy weaponry and fighter aircraft since May 5 and India has also responded in equal measure to the Chinese force mobilisation.


Also readHAL ties up with Israeli firm & Dynamatic Technologies to manufacture drones


Domestic arms makers say Army plan to reorder SIG rifles from US setback to ‘Make in India’

Army’s fresh order for SIG assault rifles would mean over 1.4 lakh rifles will be bought off the shelf from US despite a domestic industry that manufactures a range of assault rifles.

Image: An indigenous rifle by SSS Defence | Ramandeep Kaur | ThePrint

An indigenous rifle by SSS Defence | Ramandeep Kaur | ThePrint
New Delhi: The Army’s decision to go ahead with a second order of 72,000 SIG 716 assault rifles from the United States is yet another “setback” to the private small arms industry in India, and sharpens focus on the government’s inability to kickstart the AK 203 production factory in Amethi.

When the order for the SIG assault rifles is placed ⁠— under the option clause of the original contract signed for 72,400 rifles ⁠— it would mean that over 1.4 lakh 7.62×51 mm rifles in total will be bought off the shelf from abroad without a ‘Make in India’ initiative.

The domestic industry said the Army’s decision isn’t surprising, but is indeed a setback to them and doesn’t align with the government’s aatma nirbharta (self reliance) push. For now, domestic manufacturers are placing their bets on the Central Armed Police Forces (CAPF), special forces and the state police, besides the export market for their range of assault rifles.

Defence sources said the SIG assault rifles procurement had to do with a weapon already in service with troops. The fact that an option clause was part of the deal means the plan was always to buy more rifles, depending on the feedback and necessity.

On the ‘Make in India’ initiative, a source said it was being promoted through the AK 203 manufacturing factory, which is expected to be the mainstay of the armed forces. The source added that there are several other tenders in the works in which private domestic players are participating.

The Indian Army had been trying to replace their standard INSAS assault rifles for many years but has been unable to so due to varying factors.

The second batch of SIG rifles will arrive after the delivery of the first order this year, which was placed through the Fast Track Process (FTP). The option clause allows the Army to reorder the rifles for the same price within a similar delivery time-frame.

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The new rifles will go to troops in the Northern Command and other operational areas, while the rest of the troops will be equipped with AK 203.

However, the SIG order draws attention to the fact that the government has not been able to start production of AK 203 rifles, chambered to fire 7.62×39 mm ammunition (same as the AK-47), at the Amethi factory that was inaugurated by Prime Minister Narendra Modi last March.

The Indo-Russia Rifles Private Limited, established between the Ordnance Factory Board (OFB), Kalashnikov Concern and Rosoboronexport, the Russian state agency for military exports, has seen a delay in starting production.

Earlier this year, the defence ministry had formed a committee to work out the cost of the AK 203 since the Russian partner and OFB are yet to arrive at an agreed price.


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Domestic industry unhappy

A source in the defence industry said that when the Army suddenly decided to acquire AK 203 under a government-to-government initiative in 2018, it was the first blow. The SIG rifles deal was also a “setback” for private manufacturers.

“The Army’s decision to order for another tranche of rifles from the US is not surprising but is indeed a setback. A number of companies in India have come up with their own rifles and other systems or tied up with foreign companies and set up manufacturing facilities,” the source said.

A second source said, “The arms manufactured by India have to go through multiple tests. From summer trials to winters to high altitude and desert. However, under the FTP model, the foreign manufacturer shows off the ability in their own factory and is selected under emergency clause.”

A third source said, “The talk now is of ‘Make in India’ and ‘Atmanirbartha’. But when domestic industry is offering world-class rifles, the focus is still on procuring from abroad. Do note that the 1.4 lakh rifles from US will be straight import without any Make in India or technology transfer.”


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Domestic manufacturers up their game

One of the early companies to set up an arms manufacturing plant in India was PLR Systems in a tie-up with Israeli Weapons System (IWI).

Under the deal, the companies began producing weapons like Tavor series, the mainstay of the special forces in India, along with others like the Galil sniper rifle, Uzi Pro submachine gun, Masada pistol and the Negev Light Machine Gun (LMG) with indigenous content ranging from 40-60 per cent.

In case of a repeat order, though, it is sent to IWI directly instead of the local manufacturing unit since there will be a change in the name of the firm.

“This means that there will have to be fresh trials even when it is the same rifle manufactured in India with a large indigenous component,” a third source said.

Bengaluru-based SSS Defence is another company in the domestic market. The company manufactures a sniper, assault rifle and light machine gun.

The rifles are completely indigenously designed, with SSS Defence holding the Intellectual Property Rights for its design.

Bharat Forge of the Kalyani Group also works in the small arms market and has tie-ups with a foreign player for indigenous manufacturing for an Army contract bid.


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Army’s quest for assault rifles

In 2011, the Army issued a global tender for procurement of assault rifles wherein Colt of United States, Beretta of Italy, IWI of Israel and Ceska of Czeck Republic participated.

However, this attempt failed since only the IWI weapon qualified the trials and was declared the resultant single vendor.

The Armament Research and Development Establishment (ARDE), DRDO and OFB also tried to design and develop assault rifles to replace the INSAS. However, none of their weapons made the cut.

Yet another Request for Proposal (RFP) for procurement of assault rifles was issued in 2017 with assurance of a floating RFP in 2018.

Given the situation, it was felt that a certain quantity of rifles needed to be procured on an urgent basis for the frontline troops.

Accordingly, the Indian Army planned to procure 72,400 assault rifles of Calibre 7.62x51mm through the Fast Track Process route.

Later, the Army backed the idea of manufacturing AK rifles jointly with Russia, a project that the Russians had been pushing for a while.


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