Sanjha Morcha

Rajnath Singh reviews India-China border situation with CDS Bipin Rawat, Service Chiefs Gen Rawat briefs Rajnath about troop deployments at stand-off sites in eastern Ladakh

Rajnath Singh reviews India-China border situation with CDS Bipin Rawat, Service Chiefs

Defence Minister Rajnath Singh during a programme at South Western Command in Jaipur on January 14, 2020. PTI file

New Delhi, June 12

Defence Minister Rajnath Singh on Friday reviewed India’s overall military preparedness in eastern Ladakh and several other areas along the Line of Actual Control in Sikkim, Uttarakhand and Arunachal Pradesh, even as Chinese and Indian armies held another round of Major General-level talks on the current border standoff, official sources said.

The Defence Minister was given a detailed account on the overall situation in eastern Ladakh by Army Chief Gen MM Naravane at a high-level meeting, which was also attended by Chief of Defence Staff Gen Bipin Rawat, Navy Chief Admiral Karambir Singh and Air Chief Marshal RKS Bhadauria, they said.

The Indian and Chinese armies are locked in an over five-week standoff in Pangong Tso, Galwan Valley, Demchok and Daulat Beg Oldie. The two sides have deployed additional troops along the LAC in North Sikkim, Himachal Pradesh, Uttarakhand and Arunachal Pradesh following the standoff.

It is understood that Singh told the top military brass to continue to deal with the situation in eastern Ladakh and other areas with “firmness”.

“The defence minister carried out a comprehensive review of the situation in eastern Ladakh,” said a senior official on condition of anonymity.

Military sources said the two armies held another round of Major General-level talks on Friday to find a way out to defuse tension in eastern Ladakh.

India on Thursday said it is maintaining military and diplomatic engagements with China to peacefully resolve the row at the “earliest”.

In their first serious efforts to end the row, Lt General Harinder Singh, the general officer commanding of Leh-based 14 Corps, and Commander of the Tibet Military District Maj Gen Liu Lin held a nearly seven-hour meeting on June 6.

In the next one week, the field commanders of the two sides are slated to hold a series of meetings to discuss specific measures to defuse the tension.

On Wednesday, the two sides held Major General-level talks in a positive atmosphere with an aim to end the bitter tussle.

In the over four-and-half-hour dialogue, the Indian delegation pressed for total restoration of status quo ante and immediate withdrawal of thousands of Chinese troops from the areas which India considers on its side of the LAC, the sources said.

In Friday’s meeting too, India reiterated its demand, they added.

After the standoff began in early last month, Indian military leadership decided that Indian troops will adopt a firm approach in dealing with the aggressive posturing by the Chinese troops in all disputed areas of Pangong Tso, Galwan Valley, Demchok and Daulat Beg Oldie.

The Chinese Army has been gradually ramping up its strategic reserves in its rear bases near the the Line of Actual Control (LAC) by rushing in artillery guns, infantry combat vehicles and heavy military equipment, the sources said.

The trigger for the face-off was China’s stiff opposition to India laying a key road in the Finger area around the Pangong Tso Lake besides construction of another road connecting the Darbuk-Shayok-Daulat Beg Oldie road in Galwan Valley.

The road in the Finger area in Pangong Tso is considered crucial for India to carry out patrol. India has already decided not to stall any border infrastructure projects in eastern Ladakh in view of Chinese protests.

The situation in the area deteriorated after around 250 Chinese and Indian soldiers were engaged in a violent face-off on May 5 and 6. The incident in Pangong Tso was followed by a similar incident in north Sikkim on May 9.

The India-China border dispute covers the 3,488-km LAC. China claims Arunachal Pradesh as part of southern Tibet, while India contests it.

Both sides have been asserting that pending the final resolution of the boundary issue, it is necessary to maintain peace and tranquillity in the border areas. PTI


Military brass briefs Rajnath on LAC logjam China’s deployment of jets, bombers, artillery guns, tanks taken up

Military brass briefs Rajnath on LAC logjam

Defence Minister Rajnath Singh was briefed about the situation by Chief of Defence Staff Gen Bipin Rawat and the service chiefs in a review meeting, the third in 10 days, to take stock of the border standoff with China. Photo for representation only.

Ajay Banerjee

Tribune News Service

New Delhi, June 12

What Delhi wants

  • Restoration of status quo ante as in April along the Line of Actual Control
  • PLA must demolish all structures it has built in disputed areas along the LAC
  • The stress is at the area called ‘Finger 4’, which is north of Pangong Tso

Defence Minister Rajnath Singh today conducted a review meeting, the third in 10 days, to take stock of the border standoff with China and its overall military deployment in areas along the undemarcated 3,488-km-long Line of Actual Control.

The minister was briefed about the situation by Chief of Defence Staff Gen Bipin Rawat and the service chiefs. The meeting has happened as China has been amassing troops despite the diplomatic dialogue between the two sides for an “early resolution” of the dispute. The Ladakh issue and the movement of fighter jets, bombers, artillery guns and tanks by China was also taken up. Both the countries have had a heavy build-up of troops, much bigger than the one during the 1962 war, on either side of the border in recent past.

In Ladakh, Maj Gen Abhijit Bapat, General Officer Commanding (GoC) of the Army’s 3 Division, met his Chinese counterpart today. This was the fifth meeting in two weeks, the aim being to defuse tension on ground. India and China have a common meeting point at the LAC, including the one at Chushul-Moldo in Ladakh.

Meetings are also being conducted at the brigade commander and battalion commander level at ground zero in Galwan valley, Gogra Hot Springs and north bank of Pangong Tso, a 135-km glacial melt lake. “The meetings are progressing as per the outcome of the June 6 dialogue,” sources in Delhi said.

On June 6, the commander of the Leh-based 14 Corps, Lt Gen Harinder Singh, conducted a seven-hour marathon meeting with his Chinese counterpart, South Xinjiang military commander Maj Gen Lin Liu. India had pressed for restoration of status quo ante as in April and also cited how China was in violation of all agreements, protocols and laid-down drills relating to maintaining peace and tranquillity along the LAC and for conduct of soldiers.


India, China working on ‘early resolution’ of stand-off, says MEA

External affairs ministry spokesperson Anurag Srivastava said both sides continue to be in touch through diplomatic and military channels to work for an “early resolution” of the border standoff with the guidance from the top leadership of India and China.

The banks of the Pangong Lake, near the India-China border in Ladakh. Officials say the standoff began in early May when large contingents of Chinese soldiers entered Ladakh.

The banks of the Pangong Lake, near the India-China border in Ladakh. Officials say the standoff began in early May when large contingents of Chinese soldiers entered Ladakh.(AP File Photo )

India and China are continuing diplomatic and military engagements for an “early resolution” of the stand-off between border troops, the external affairs ministry said on Thursday as people familiar with developments confirmed the build-up of Chinese forces extended to Sikkim and Arunachal Pradesh.

Earlier this week, the two sides began what Indian officials described as a “limited military disengagement” at three hotspots along the contested Line of Actual Control (LAC) – Galwan Valley, Patrolling Point 15 and Hot Springs – in eastern Ladakh, which has been the focus of the tensions.

However, last month’s violent confrontations between Indian and Chinese soldiers in eastern Ladakh and north Sikkim triggered a military build-up on both sides of the LAC that stretched from Ladakh to Uttarakhand, Sikkim and Arunachal Pradesh, two senior officers said on condition of anonymity on Thursday.

Asked about the stand-off at a weekly news briefing, external affairs ministry spokesperson Anurag Srivastava said both sides continue to be in touch through diplomatic and military channels to work for an “early resolution” of the matter in line with the guidance from the top leadership of India and China.

“As you are aware, a meeting was held by the corps commanders of India and China on June 6 in Chushul-Moldo region. This meeting was in continuation of diplomatic and military engagements which both sides have maintained to address the situation in areas along the India-China border,” Srivastava said, referring to the meeting between Lt Gen Harinder Singh, commander of Leh-based 14 Corps, and Maj Gen Liu Lin, commander of the People’s Liberation Army in South Xinjiang region.

The two sides had “agreed that an early resolution of the situation would be in keeping with the guidance of the leaders”, he said.

Srivastava added, “The two sides are, therefore, maintaining their military and diplomatic engagements to peacefully resolve the situation at the earliest as also to ensure peace and tranquillity in the border areas. This is essential for the further development of India-China bilateral relations.”

He didn’t go into the details of further engagements through diplomatic and military channels and whether the two sides had discussed issues such as the reduction of troops and the Chinese side pulling back from the Indian side of the LAC.

One of the two senior officers cited above said the Chinese build-up began immediately after clashes between border troops in Ladakh and Sikkim on May 5-6 and May 9, and predated the June 6 meeting between Lt Gen Singh and his Chinese counterpart Maj Gen Liu at Moldo on the Chinese side of the LAC.

“We have noticed a Chinese military build-up across the length of the border, from the northern to the eastern sector. This is in their so-called ‘depth areas’ or pockets within the Chinese side of the LAC,” he said.

Indian forces matched China’s military moves by sending reinforcements to forward areas, said the second officer cited above.

Former Northern Army commander, Lt Gen (retired) BS Jaswal, said: “This season is usually utilised by them for military exercises. China may have also kept forces in reserve to cater for any conflict contingency due to their early aggressive posturing in Ladakh and Sikkim. It’s also for keeping troops acclimatised.”

Jaswal said India would have deployed enough solders in forward areas to repel any offensive design by China, which would also encounter “terrain friction” (terrain difficulties) in case of any adventurism.

While the specifics of the Chinese build-up in other sectors remain unclear, their deployment in “depth areas” across the LAC in Ladakh includes more than 8,000 troops, tanks, artillery guns, fighter bombers, rocket forces and air defence radars.

In the latest military contact between the two sides, army delegations held talks in eastern Ladakh on Wednesday to ease tensions along the LAC.


In India’s China policy, a mix of three approaches | Opinion

Countries are relying on internal strength, engagement with Beijing and external balancing. Prioritise wisely

The period between the global financial crisis of 2008 and the Chumar stand-off during Xi Jinping’s India visit in 2014 witnessed the most sustained engagement in recent years

The period between the global financial crisis of 2008 and the Chumar stand-off during Xi Jinping’s India visit in 2014 witnessed the most sustained engagement in recent years(AP)

Many countries are reconsidering their relationship with China — the United States (US) and the European Union, Australia and Canada, Indonesia and Japan, Brazil and Russia. Their policies have generally involved a combination of three approaches, often pursued simultaneously. The first is internal balancing, strengthening themselves and developing capabilities in response to China’s growing power. The second is engagement, working with China to reach understandings, although this requires some give and take by both sides. The third is external balancing, cooperating with others to gain more leverage and security vis-à-vis Beijing. Every country’s debate about its China policy has essentially involved how much emphasis it can and should place on each approach.

India’s scepticism about China runs farther and deeper than many others, dating back to the late 1950s and especially the 1962 war. Despite a return to full diplomatic ties in the late 1970s, normalisation began with Rajiv Gandhi’s 1988 visit to China and the agreements of 1993. Commercial normalisation was only evident after about 2003. But the scepticism never truly disappeared.

The India-China relationship can be considered to have four main components. The boundary dispute and bilateral security competition is one. But regional security competition in India’s neighbourhood was always a second factor. The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) today leverages China’s resources, but there were antecedents; Nepal settling its border with China in the 1960s, China’s sharing of nuclear technology with Pakistan in the 1970s, Bangladesh importing Chinese military hardware in the 1980s, and Chinese backing for the military junta in Myanmar in the 1990s.

Two other elements were previously considered dampeners of India-China competition. Economic relations grew after 2003 but Indian enthusiasm waned as Chinese market access proved limited and the trade deficit widened. The fourth aspect was global governance cooperation. While China and India found common cause at BRICS, the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), and the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation, Beijing’s emphasis on international coalition-building was eventually surpassed by its own superpower ambitions.

India consequently began balancing even as it normalised ties with Beijing. China was a major driver of the India-US civil nuclear agreement, which enabled defence and technological relationships with the US and its allies (including Europe, Japan, and Australia). China’s overt opposition to India’s waiver at the Nuclear Suppliers Group in 2008 indicated its unease with that development. What approaches did India subsequently adopt?

First, efforts at internal balancing required a robust Indian economy, appropriate budgetary allocations for national security, and political will to deploy these tools. However, the Indian economy did not perform as dynamically as many had hoped after 2011. Nonetheless, India activated once-dormant airfields, raised army mountain divisions, reallocated air force assets eastwards, and began to improve border infrastructure.

Other tools came into play. Indian aid and concessional loans to the neighbours (especially Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Nepal, and the Maldives) increased and naval deployments in the Indian and western Pacific Oceans picked up by late 2017, although capital budgetary allocations did not keep pace. India’s willingness to intervene to support Bhutan against Chinese road-building in Doklam was an important statement of intent. While these developments have been positive, it is debatable whether they have been sufficient given the widening resource gap with China.

India also attempted engagement with Beijing. The period between the global financial crisis of 2008 and the Chumar stand-off during Xi Jinping’s India visit in 2014 witnessed the most sustained engagement in recent years. This was motivated by several factors — an accelerated global economic rebalance, US attempts at engaging China under Barack Obama, and political dynamics within India. While this period also witnessed a hardening of India’s military position on the border, efforts at external balancing slowed down.

The latest period of engagement, which began in 2017, revealed that neither China nor India were able or willing to make major compromises. India continued to reject both the BRI and the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP). The boundary question remained unanswered. Even on economic relations, China made only minor concessions on agricultural and pharmaceutical imports. Even in the absence of real changes, the rhetoric of engagement made sense in the aftermath of the Doklam crisis only because it bought both countries time.

Finally, external balancing involved a series of arrangements with partners that shared India’s concerns about China, with the intention of improving interoperability, facilitating intelligence and assessments, and boosting each other’s economic and defence capabilities. In the past few years, India has made progress in facilitating logistics support, increasing maritime awareness, upgrading military exercises, and regularising strategic dialogues with the US, Japan, Australia, Russia, France, South Korea, Southeast Asia, and others. This month’s India-Australia “virtual summit” is but the latest step in a larger progression.

India is not alone in having a domestic debate about managing China’s rise. A combination of approaches will remain in the policy mix of every country. But if one believes that India’s internal balancing has been inadequate and engagement requires some genuine compromises by Beijing, New Delhi must logically accelerate its efforts at external balancing to deal with a more powerful China.

Dhruva Jaishankar is director of the US Initiative at the Observer Research Foundation
The views expressed are personal

Frontier as horizon of influence for China

Frontier as horizon of influence for China

India remains volatile despite the ‘improved’ India-China bilateral, owing to the ‘convergence’ of cash, commerce and communication. Underneath grows the simmering border, a sample of which we see today in Ladakh, the border where India, Xizang (Tibet) and Xinjiang meet.

Abhijit Bhattacharyya

Commentator and Author

A porous border and recurring foreign invasions have always haunted every ruling class of Indian history, barring rare exceptions like that of Maharaja Ranjit Singh (1799-1839) during whose life and times, neither the British dared cross the Sutlej from the south, nor Ahmad Shah Abdali’s descendants or the disparate Afghan sirdars tried to go after the capital of the Lion of Lahore and beyond to Ladakh.

Thus, from Alexander in 326 BC to the Chinese Communist Party in 2020 AD, the Indian territory — like Aksai Chin axis of Ladakh— continues to be a foreigner’s target. Let’s, therefore, accept our perennial failure to protect ourselves and try resolve the present Chinese incursion with resolute focus, at a time of health and economic issues confronting the world and India.

It all started in October 1947 in Kashmir. It’s been a recurring trend ever since. Sixty years ago, when the Lutyens’landscape, unlike today, was the relaxed capital of Nehru’s India who had his own unchallenged, inimitable style and indelible stamp on the domestic and diplomatic arenas. The Indian PM’s imprint was in the world arena. The Army and the remnant of British-recruited administrators too felt his magic wand. Nehru ‘couldn’t go wrong’ was the inference, if not the perception.

But, this was too good to last as an unexpected, military disaster caused by Mao-led Chinese invasion of October-November 1962 led to an irreversible fall for the political patriarch, permanently shattering India’s hallucination of the Himalayas. The high northern borders of India-Tibet, overshadowed by the remote Communist Party of China from Beijing, were not the same again.

It’s still not the same again, because the Himalayas are now causing more harm than creating harmony. The hills keep India on the tenterhooks — simmering, boiling, heating — an unpredictable frontier, as the border remains unresolved, and there simply isn’t anything to show that it will ever change any time soon. Today’s India-China border is a General’s nightmare, constituting the reality of Napoleon and Hitler’s war on two fronts. But, it’s also the CPC’s delight, being insoluble, irresolvable, irreversible. It’s an issue — ‘divergence’ extraordinary — which can always be a readymade ‘cause of action’, especially for the Beijing CPC.

In a way, China destroyed in the 1960s, the Indian PM and political stability. Today, China threatens the present dispensation, too, as India has never been the same again. It remains volatile upfront despite the so-called ‘improved’ India-China bilateral, owing to the ‘convergence’ of cash, commerce, communication. Underneath goes and grows the simmering, burning, boiling border, a sample we all are seeing today in Ladakh, the border where India, Xizang (Tibet) and Xinjiang meet and overlap.

It’s the legacy of imperialism, says the Beijing CPC. That’s it. No resolve to settle. Instead, the futile meetings and statements, for public consumption. Underneath, it’s shifting stands, changing dates and fabricated maps, contradictory and confusing communication. An exasperated PM Nehru asked: “How far back are we to go,” for border demarcation? No answer. Instead, a volley of vituperative semantics by the Communist state-controlled print media: “Nehru is the running dog of US imperialism.”

Below the changing posture stood the then as now, stand. “China won’t give up an inch of territory,” thundered the state-controlled print media on June 6, the day a senior three-star Indian and a junior two-star China’s General met, trying to make sense, through dialogue. “Restore April 2020 status along the LAC,” said India, publicly conceding that the border status quo had been violated by a unilateral aggression of the CPC Army. India’s border, even if perceived, has shrunk as China expands with its muscles flexed.

This, despite an avowed understanding and summits between the Indian and Chinese leaders, wherein both claimed that ‘difference’ shouldn’t turn into ‘dispute’, lest China loses its humongous one-way annual cash profit of more than $50 billion bilateral trade.

Surprisingly, a chunk of the Indian traders is ignorant of the loss to the exchequer and the resultant damage being inflicted to industry owing to factory closure and unemployment multiplication. The lure for profit through cheap import and healthy domestic sale through hiked prices is irresistible. Hence, the desperation of the hinterland actors — who have never seen the border — to avoid business loss, even if there’s border loss. This is an irony.

Thus, whereas the Chinese read the Indian psyche well, it isn’t vice versa. China shares a border with 14 countries, India with seven. Strangely, China has major border disputes only in the Himalayas — with India, Nepal, Bhutan — and minor issues with North Korea (Paektu and Jiandao) and Russia. India, on the other hand, has issues with Pakistan and China, and now suddenly with Nepal, notwithstanding that Delhi-Kathmandu is an open border and that more than one crore Nepalis are in India.

Coming back to Ladakh, where does one go now? Is resolution possible? Not in long but short term. Because, the Chinese view reigns supreme. Territory is non-negotiable with Delhi’s democracy. Why give up when ‘we hold the upper hand, through commerce, trade, industry and banking?’ Just look at India’s history of border management. Indians need to recall causes leading to the US-China trade-technology dispute. China doesn’t believe in mutually accepted law. US discovered it rather late.

Recall the 1914 Simla Convention wherein the British, Chinese and the Tibetans signed the McMahon Line. China signed and then repudiated. Thus, the future does look difficult because to the Chinese, frontiers constitute political-cum-ideological, rather than legitimate matter. Frontier is a horizon of influence and cannot be legally stable and permanent. Not with India in the Himalayas, at least!


Unsettling to skip passing out parade, say IMA cadets’ parents Parents upset over not being able to be with their wards to celebrate their achievement due to Covid

Unsettling to skip passing out parade, say IMA cadets’ parents

Cadet Tapeesh Gautam from IMA, Dehradun, with his family. File photo

Deepkamal Kaur

Tribune News Service

Jalandhar, June 11

Several parents from Punjab, whose children would be passing out from IMA, Dehradun, this Saturday, have expressed their anguish for not being able to be with their wards in one of the most seminal moments of their lives.

“Had the world not been gripped by the coronavirus, we would left for Dehradun to be with our sons and celebrate their achievement. Like all parents, we too would have performed the pinning ceremony and got pictures clicked. We are finding it a tad difficult to come to terms with the fact that we won’t be there with our children,” say parents of several young boys, who had studied together at Sainik School, Kapurthala, trained together at NDA and will now be passing out from the IMA.

Couple Malkinder Bajwa and Harjinder Bajwa, both of whom are teachers at Sainik School, Kapurthala, said their son Harman Bajwa would be passing out from IMA, Dehradun. “In all these years, it will be for the first time that parents of cadets won’t be able to attend the passing out parade of their children. We had even readied a frame to be put on the wall of our drawing room, but now we won’t have the picture for it. Perhaps, it wasn’t in our destiny. Even, our son won’t be able to fly to us to spend his one month break. From the academy, he will be straightaway going to Assam, where he will join the Special Forces.”

Tarn Taran-based Birinder Kaur Dhillon, mother of cadet Akashdeep Dhillon, said, “Of course, it’s sad that we would be missing out on one of the important events in our son’s life, but we can’t do anything about it.”

Dasuya-based Arvind Gautam and his wife Anjani Kumari, both of whom are government school teachers, recalled, “Since when he was very young, our son Tapeesh Gautam wanted to join the Army. We supported him in fulfilling his dreams. And now, when it was time to see him accomplish his childhood dream, we won’t be able to celebrate his happiness with him in person.”


NIA arrests two for stealing computer hardware from INS Vikrant The MFCs form part of the Integrated Platform Management System (IPMS) of the project

NIA arrests two for stealing computer hardware from INS Vikrant

New Delhi, June 11

Almost eight months after theft on board the indigenous aircraft carrier in Kerala’s Cochin Shipyard, where INS Vikrant, is under construction, the National Investigation Agency (NIA) on Wednesday arrested two suspects from Bihar and Rajasthan.

An NIA spokesperson said the agency arrested Sumit Kumar Singh (23), a resident of Bihar’s Munger district, and Daya Ram (22), a resident of Rajasthan’s Hanumangarh, from their houses.

The two were allegedly involved in the theft of computer hardware components from the under-construction Indigenous Aircraft Carrier (IAC) at the Cochin Shipyard Ltd. The theft on board the vessel was reported in September last year.

According to NIA officials, four computers were dismantled and hard disks, RAMs and processors were stolen from the IAC in September last year.

The stolen items included five micro-processors, 10 RAMs, five Solid State Drives (SSDs) from the Multi-Functional Consoles (MFCs) aboard the ship.

The MFCs form part of the Integrated Platform Management System (IPMS) of the project.

IMPS is a computerised system used onboard ships to monitor the working and course of the vessel and to warn against safety risks.

The spokesperson said that during multiple searches in Bihar, Rajasthan and Gujarat conducted on Wednesday, some stolen electronic devices were recovered and incriminating materials seized.

The case was first registered by Kerala Police on the complaint of the Cochin Shipyard authorities about the criminal trespass and theft of certain critical electronic components installed onboard the IAC.

The NIA took over the probe on September 26 last year under several sections of IPC and Information Technology Act.

The NIA had taken up the case following concerns over national security as sensitive information was stored in these hard disks.

An NIA spokesperson said it conducted a detailed investigation into the “blind case” and analyzed fingerprints and palm-prints of more than five thousand persons, who had worked for the IAC project during the relevant period.

A large number of witnesses were also examined.

The NIA had also announced a reward of Rs 5 lakh in March this year for giving credible leads in the case.

INS Vikrant is the first indigenous aircraft carrier of the Indian Navy. The work on the ship’s design began in 1999, and the keel was laid in February 2009. As of 2019, the ship is expected to start sea trials in February 2021 and enter service as early as 2023. The project cost has neared Rs 20,000 crore.

With the completion of INS Vikrant, India will join the ranks of US, UK, Russia, France and China in the construction of flight carriers. IANS


India criticises Pak PM for offer on cash transfer programme

India criticises Pak PM for offer on cash transfer programme

New Delhi, June 11

In a sharp retort to Pakistan Prime Minister Imran Khan’s offer to share experience of his government’s cash transfer scheme, India on Thursday reminded him that the size of its economic stimulus package to deal with the coronavirus pandemic is as large as Pakistan’s GDP.

The response by the Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) came hours after Khan, in a series of tweets, offered to share with India Pakistan’s experience of implementing its “successful” cash transfer programme following reports of how poor people in India are battling poverty in view of the coronavirus lockdown.

“Pakistan is better known for making cash transfers to bank accounts outside the country rather than giving to its own people. Clearly, Imran Khan needs a new set of advisers and better information,” MEA Spokesperson Anurag Srivastava said during an online media briefing.

“We all know about their debt problem (almost 90 per cent of GDP) and how much they have pressed for debt restructuring. It would also be better for them to remember that India has a stimulus package, which is as large as Pakistan’s annual GDP,” he said.

Last month, Prime Minister Narendra Modi announced a Rs 20 lakh crore economic stimulus package for various key sectors to deal with the adverse impact of the pandemic.

In his tweets, Khan said his government has successfully transferred Rs 120 billion in nine weeks to over 10 million families in a “transparent manner” to deal with the fallout of COVID-19 on the poor.

“I am ready to offer help and share our successful cash transfer programme, lauded internationally for its reach and transparency, with India,” the Pakistan prime minister added. PTI


Nepal will get back land from India through dialogue: Oli Claim comes amid boundary controversy between neighbours

Nepal will get back land from India through dialogue: Oli

Kathmandu, June 11

Nepal’s Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli has said his government will seek a solution to the Kalapani issue through diplomatic efforts and dialogue on the basis of historical facts and documents.

“We will get back the land occupied by India through dialogue,” Oli said while responding to questions in Parliament on Wednesday.

Souring of ties — the trigger

  • The ties between India and Nepal came under strain after Defence Minister Rajnath Singh inaugurated a 80-km-long strategically crucial road connecting the Lipulekh Pass with Dharchula in Uttarakhand on May 8.
  • Nepal reacted sharply to the inauguration of the road claiming that it passed through Nepalese territory. India rejected the claim asserting that the road lies completely within its territory.

He claimed that India built a Kali temple, created “an artificial Kali river” and “encroached the Nepalese territory through deploying the Army” at Kalapani. The river defines the border between the two countries. Oli’s claim comes amid a raging boundary row between the two countries with India sternly asking Nepal not to resort to any “artificial enlargement” of territorial claims after Kathmandu released a new political map laying claim over Lipulekh, Kalapani and Limpiyadhura.

 

KP Sharma Oli, Prime Minister

Our ancestors founded and saved this country through their struggles. We will be able to establish our territorial integrity if we remain firm

The ties between India and Nepal came under strain after Defence Minister Rajnath Singh inaugurated a 80-km-long strategically crucial road connecting the Lipulekh Pass with Dharchula in Uttarakhand on May 8.

Nepal reacted sharply to the inauguration of the road claiming that it passed through Nepalese territory. India rejected the claim asserting that the road lies completely within its territory.

Nepalese officials say Nepal had control over the area before 1962, when the India-China war took place. At that time India stationed its army seeking permission from then Nepalese rulers for temporary purpose, but it never removed its forces, they claim.

Although there are border issues in other areas such as Susta but the government has given priority to Lipulekh, Kalapani and Limpiyadhura as Nepali territories have not been captured by deploying army in other parts of its international border, Oli said in response to a question in Parliament.

Earlier this week, the Nepalese Parliament unanimously endorsed a proposal to consider a constitution amendment bill to pave way for putting the new political map that includes Kalapani, Lipulekh and Limpiyadhura in Nepal’s national emblem.

A discussion on the issue started in the Parliament since Minister for Law, Justice and Parliamentary Affairs Shivamaya Tumbahanfe tabled a Bill for the second amendment to the Nepalese Constitution to incorporate the new political map of Nepal on May 31.

Prime Minister Oli said he was happy to learn that the unprecedented unity has been shown both within and outside the Parliament on the issue of national unity and territorial integrity. “Our ancestors founded and saved this country through their struggles. We will be able to establish our territorial integrity if we remain firm,” he said.

Prime Minister Oli also raised objection to Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath’s reported remark that Nepal should not repeat the mistake which Tibet made. “If Adityanath spoke about that, it was not appropriate,” he said.

“It is not appropriate to threaten Nepal in that way… This should not have been spoken by a chief minister of UP,” he said. —PTI