Sanjha Morcha

Ladakh stand-off: India-China senior military officers’ meet on June 6

Rajnath Singh

“In the current situation, military-to-military talks are underway, and there is a possibility that discussions will be held on June 6 at the level of senior military officers. I discussed this with the Army Chief today,” Rajnath Singh said.

This report has been modified to reflect some recent developments


After two weeks of downplaying the intrusions by thousands of Chinese People’s Liberation Army (PLA) soldiers into Ladakh, Defence Minister has admitted that “large numbers” of Chinese troops had crossed into India’s side of the Line of Actual Control (LAC) — the de facto border that both countries have mutually agreed to respect.

“It is true that Chinese soldiers (are) on the LAC. There are differences in both sides’ perceptions of where the frontier runs. And the Chinese soldiers have arrived there in large numbers,” stated Rajnath in a television interview on Tuesday.

“India is doing what it needs to do in the circumstances,” said the defence minister, while declining to spell out the measures.

Sources say that India has reacted to the surprise Chinese move by rushing troops to the main intrusion points in the Galwan River Valley in northern Ladakh and the Pangong Tso Lake in central Ladakh – where at least 5,000 PLA soldiers have entered and are preparing roads and concrete bunkers to consolidate their presence.

However, Indian troops have been instructed not to inflame the situation by attacking or outflanking PLA positions.

Rajnath voiced confidence that the festering confrontation could be resolved through military-to-military talks and diplomatic engagement between New Delhi and Beijing, as was achieved during the Doklam confrontation in 2017.

ALSO READ: China must use diplomacy to settle border issues with India: US House panel

“In the current situation, military-to-military talks are underway, and there is a possibility that discussions will be held on June 6 at the level of senior military officers. I discussed this with the Army Chief today,” he said.

Rajnath emphatically refused to classify China as an enemy. He said that, while India would never hurt the self-respect and sovereignty of any country, “If anyone violates our sovereignty or tries to make India bow its head, this country would respond with force.”

Meanwhile, on the border, there has been no Chinese withdrawal or concession. The face-off continues at four locations. In the Galwan River Valley, troops are engaged in skirmishes at the junction of Galwan and Shyok rivers, Patrolling Point 14, 15, and 17 and at Gogra Top. In the Pangong Tso sector, Indian troops are in contact with the Chinese at the so-called Fox Hole Peninsula.

ALSO READ: ‘Remove China Apps’ crosses 50 lakh downloads amid anti-China sentiments

However, in a reverse for India, China has established full control over the Finger Heights, Green Top, Finger 4 and Finger 5. Since the LAC earlier ran along Finger 8, Chinese troops have captured the area between Finger 8 and Finger 4, moving the LAC several kilometres to the west.

In addition, over the preceding fortnight, the Chinese have black-topped the road between Finger 8 and Finger 4. The PLA had constructed a dirt track in this area in 1999 when Indian units were pulled out of this area during the Kargil conflict.

Worryingly, government sources, backed by satellite intelligence, are now reporting a large number of Chinese armoured vehicles in the Depsang area, near Daulat Beg Oldi, where Indian and Chinese troops had confronted each other for three weeks in 2013, before mutually disengaging.

Referencing that incident, as well as similar confrontations in Chumar (2014) and Doklam (2017), Singh said: “There is something constantly going on along the Sino-Indian border… sometimes there have been such tensions that firearms have been snatched between them. China should think about this seriously.”


Correction

In response to the report, “Rajnath admits to sizeable China intrusion” (published on June 3), the Press Information Bureau has clarified that the defence minister “was referring to differing perceptions of the Line of Actual Control (LAC) and presence of Chinese troops”. The statement, PIB said, had been misinterpreted as if Chinese troops had entered the Indian side of the LAC. We stand corrected.


To hit China, aim carefully. Don’t shoot yourself in the foot Boycott calls are unlikely to hurt China & Xi Jinping. A tactical approach, like denying it access to strategic markets like

Ramandeep Kaur | ThePrint

Illustration by Ramandeep Kaur | ThePrint
The sight of seemingly demented people jumping and dancing on Chinese-made consumer durables raises some intriguing questions about the thinking processes of our shoot-from-the-hip nationalists. What do they think will happen when Chinese products are replaced by Korean or Japanese ones? China’s total exports in a year are about $2.5 trillion. India accounts for 3 per cent of that. China also has $3 trillion in foreign exchange reserves, and a large trade surplus. So who are we hurting? Some sellers of phone instruments, perhaps. Xi Jinping is unlikely to be impressed.

It is possible that Chinese suppliers will be replaced by Indians, not Koreans. I once asked the owner of a large retailing chain why he could not encourage more businessmen in India to become his suppliers, so that he would not have to import quite so much from China and elsewhere. His response was that India had virtually stopped manufacturing even the most ordinary goods. And even if they did make things locally, at what cost? One doesn’t know, but it is almost certain to be higher. The end result might be that the producers of things (who are busy taking out full-page ads in celebration) make money at the expense of those dancing and jumping consumers who end up paying more.

And what if China hits back? India’s imports from China are equal to about a fifth of total Indian manufacturing. If Chinese products have no ready substitutes domestically, the risk is of disruption along the supply chain. In the case of some products (like strategic materials) where it has market dominance, China could even deny sales to India as it did once with Japan during a dispute over some islands off the Chinese coast. At the least, sourcing from alternative suppliers would be at a much higher cost.

Also read: ‘Atmanirbhar Bharat’ needs both import-substitution and export industrialisation


The free trade argument is not a matter of religion. Britain became a free trader only in the mid-19th century, when it had established a clear lead in the Industrial Revolution. The United States, once the champion of free traders, is shifting position now (“America First!”). So import substitution (or self-reliance) is a valid tactic — if you know how to use it. Other countries have managed successful import substitution, as Naushad Forbes wrote earlier this week. But, as he showed, they did it by making sure that tariff support was temporary and reducing with time; those who failed to become efficient and competitive in a defined period would have to shut down — thereby ensuring market discipline. India, predictably, is doing it differently. And it remains a soft state, vulnerable to special interests. So it will become a high-cost economy again, and Indian manufacturing even more uncompetitive. The lessons learnt on the way to 1991 have been forgotten.

The point about trade is that both seller and buyer are supposed to gain. Bring politics into it and the picture gets clouded. The most defective of all positions (one used often by President Donald Trump, and by India in the past) is to seek trade parity with each trading partner. You might as well ask for the return of barter, or of rupee trade arrangements! India could have a trade deficit with oil exporters, and at the same time a surplus with the United States. And what it loses on merchandise trade it could gain through trade in services. If the overall balance is fine, or the deficit neutralised by capital inflows (as it has been for India), there is no need to complain of injury.

By all means be tactical. Don’t allow China access to strategic markets, like telecom products, because of the possibility of spyware mischief. Also exclude China from product segments where the quality record is said to have been poor, such as thermal power plant equipment. And if China is looking for ways to keep out Indian pharmaceuticals or software services, hit back in the same coin. Even cancel railway contracts if project completion is hopelessly delayed, but bear in mind the time taken to get alternative bidders. In short, aim carefully and don’t shoot yourself in the foot.


Also read: India can’t free-ride others to limit China. It needs to lead the containment strategy

 


10 Indian soldiers, including four officers, released by China after talks

An army convoy moving towards the Zojilla pass, in Drass on Thursday. (ANI Photo)
New Delhi: China Thursday evening returned 10 Indian soldiers, who had been in their custody since Monday’s clash in the Galwan Valley in Ladakh, after a prolonged discussion at the major general level. The 10 soldiers included two majors and two captains.

As many as 20 Indian soldiers, including the Commanding Officer of 16 Bihar Colonel Santosh Babu, were killed in action in Monday’s clash.

The Army had issued a statement Thursday saying “it is clarified that no Indian troops are missing in action”. While it did not mention the release, the statement was a clear indication that the soldiers have returned.

Sources in the defence and security establishment said the main focus of the high-level talks since Tuesday had been the release of the Indian soldiers. The issue was also discussed during the diplomatic parleys going on between the two countries.

Official sources also told ThePrint that it was always the understanding that information about such sensitive matters will not be released unless both sides come to an “amicable solution”, which is the release of the 10 soldiers.e

The announcement by the Ministry of External Affairs that no soldiers were missing in action was made only after it was ascertained through diplomatic channels that China would be releasing them, the sources said.

Both sides have held several rounds of talks at diplomatic and military levels to ease tensions and are now looking to soon have a dialogue on the border affairs under the ‘Working Mechanism for Consultation and Coordination on Border Affairs (WMCC)’.


Also readIndia, China agree to implement 6 June ‘disengagement understanding’ to ensure peace at LAC


Military-level talks to continue 

ThePrint had reported Tuesday that several Indian soldiers taken captive by China were returned following talks at a higher level on the same day.

However, it was learnt Wednesday morning that 10 soldiers are still missing. By afternoon, it was learnt that the 10 unaccounted for were in Chinese custody.

Sources said the Chinese had presented the captive soldiers to the Indian team Wednesday to show they were fine and not tortured.

According to the sources, all 10 soldiers walked back with the Indian team Thursday evening, indicating there were no major injuries.

The sources said the military-level talks will continue Friday as part of the earlier process to ease the tensions.

While there is a heavy build-up by the Chinese on its side of the Galwan Valley, the Finger areas of Pangong continue to be a problem.

The Chinese have come in till Finger 4 and have built structures to block the Indian patrol from moving ahead from that point till Finger 8, which is the LAC for India.

Latest satellite imagery reveals that massive construction has been done by China in this area.


Also readIndia likely to review rules of engagement at LAC after Galwan Valley clash

 


IAF deploys Apache attack helicopters and Chinooks in Ladakh, increases combat air patrols

Apaches were brought to provide close air support to the ground forces, while Chinooks were brought to enable faster deployment of troops and equipment.

An Apache helicopter

An Apache attack helicopter (representational image) | Commons
New Delhi: The Indian Air Force (IAF) has deployed Apache attack helicopters in Ladakh to provide tactical support to the ground forces if needed, besides using the Chinook heavy-weight choppers to help in the movement of men and equipment amid tensions with China.

The increased deployment also includes regular Combat Air Patrols, besides flying a host of surveillance aircraft, including by intelligence agencies and the Navy’s P8I aircraft, defence sources said.

Mirage 2,000 fighter aircraft, which carried out the Balakot air strikes last year, have also been moved to bases near the Ladakh region from Gwalior, Madhya Pradesh, where it is based.

This has been done to ensure they can fly over in the Ladakh region within minutes of taking off, sources said.

Air Force chief Air Chief Marshal R.K.S. Bhadauria has reportedly made a hush visit to Leh and Srinagar air bases Wednesday evening after high-level meetings with the government.

Adon high operational alert.

ThePrint had earlier reported that the Navy has sent out additional ships from its eastern fleet for deployment in the Indian Ocean region.

These developments came even as the Army moved in more ground forces and other assets to Ladakh.

On 2 June, ThePrint reported the Army moved in about two additional division strength-level forces to the region. Sources said these numbers have now increased further.

While the 14 Corps, the Army division that looks after Ladakh, is sufficiently armed in terms of artillery, armour, men and reserves, more soldiers have been brought in to create large reserves and forward deployment.


Also read: 1954 Panchsheel pact to Galwan Valley ‘violence’ — India-China relations in last 7 decades


‘Assets are there to be used’

The IAF has remained tight-lipped about the movement of its assets.

However, sources said the Apache helicopters have been deployed in Ladakh and that Chinooks are already doing the work they are meant for.

“The assets are there to be used. These are tactical matters. Apache was brought to provide close air support to the ground forces. Chinooks were brought to enable faster deployment of troops and equipment,” a source said.

Also read: China playing victim after attacking Indian soldiers at Galwan. Delhi must not fall for it


 


How the Galwan Valley tragedy can transform Himalayan geopolitics

India must respond to China’s move, not just through military means but through a forward-looking strategic, economic and connectivity vision matching China’s BRI project.

India must respond to China’s move, not just through military means but through a forward-looking strategic, economic and connectivity vision matching China’s BRI project.(PTI photo)

The brutal clash between Indian and Chinese soldiers on the night of June 15 has exposed the People’s Liberation Army (PLA)’s well-planned design of stealthily wresting the entire Galwan Valley from India’s control. It also carries a set of underlying messages and possibilities.

First, immediately after the incident, PLA’s Western Theatre Command (WTC) issued a statement on June 16, claiming China’s territorial “sovereignty” over the entire Galwan Valley. That was followed by a June 17 statement from Chinese foreign ministry spokesperson, Zhao Lijian, that echoed, in verbatim, WTC’s line claiming China’s sovereignty over the Galwan Valley area.

Second, it appears to have been triggered by local factors at a micro-level, with, at the most, instructions from WTC headquarters. Clearly, it is a case of a disengagement process not being handled properly at the local level and things going out of control. There have been other violent hand-to-hand clashes in this area since the 2017 Doklam standoff. It turned more violent this time with PLA using more lethal weapons, stones, boulders, rocks wrapped with barbed wire and wooden logs studded with nails.

A third, inter-related, point is that the top PLA officials of WTC seem to enjoy more autonomy than other Chinese military theatres. In this case, the Chinese government only seems to have endorsed WTC’s line, which has a specific mandate or a direct and wider strategic direction from Beijing to alter the ground situation in consonance with China’s national vision for western provinces ie Xinjiang and Tibet. It also has a larger focus agenda with regards to securing Chinese interests, including safeguarding China’s ambitious Belt and Road Initiative (BRI)-related projects moving just north of the Karakoram Range. PLA views India’s building of strategic roads in Ladakh as potentially causing disruption to the security of the BRI/Chinese Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC).

Fourth, the incident can either spark greater escalation or actually, counter-intuitively, lead to de-escalation. The Indian Army has lost 20 personnel, including a commanding officer in the vicious attack. This is the biggest military clash in over five decades and the risk of the border standoff escalating into a full-scale confrontation is clearly present. However, unconfirmed reports suggest the Chinese side too suffered “proportionate casualties”, with at least 43 PLA personnel either dead or injured in the clash. If this is the case, then the balance of tragedies is established, and opens up the scope for further de-escalation to continue as agreed upon during military talks held on June 6.

What happens now also depends on the political will of the two countries. If the political relationship between India and China is not smooth, the Chinese party leadership may find it hard to control PLA, which is generally seen as more hardline on India. At the same time, the situation can still be brought under control by political and diplomatic interventions at a higher level. The clash has finally compelled both sides to open up talks at the foreign minister-level.

However, if China refuses to revert to a pre-standoff status quo position, India may be forced to evict PLA from the Indian side though a military intervention.

Whether there is escalation or not is also closely related to how the two sides tell the story of the incident to their people. The Chinese side is not giving the exact figure of casualties. We do not know if they are embarrassed or whether they want to hide the figures from their own people and underplay the incident to prevent escalation.

Where does this leave New Delhi?

India must respond to China’s move, not just through military means but through a forward-looking strategic, economic and connectivity vision matching China’s BRI project. It must think about reconnecting and resuming old trade links. Ladakh is a geostrategic axis or a pivot point for India to reach out to central Asia, Europe and Russia. The Dorbo-Shayok-DBO road should be called the Ladakh economic corridor. It should be India’s approach to go beyond the Himalayas. Otherwise, India is destined to remain defensive in posture.

This, however, is contingent on India reworking the governance priorities in Ladakh. It is the locals who have the best understanding of the border. The region has already remained neglected for a long time due to Article 370 and 35A.

The way forward must have several components. First, the Ladakh administration should distribute the entire stretch of vacant land in eastern Ladakh (from Chumur to Karakoram) among the population of the Leh district for agriculture, horticulture and other economic activities.

Two, the government must expedite infrastructure airport/road network expansion in eastern Ladakh. The Indian Air Force must reactivate the Fukche/Loma airport for both civilian and military use. Attempts should be made to reopen and refurbish the old Chuchul airport base.

Three, authorities must re-populate the area with legal ownership to citizens and not leave the borderland vacant. The government must provide incentives for Changpa nomadic farmers presently settled in Leh (Kharnag-Ling settlement) to return to the borderland areas and encourage them to reactivate their nomadic Rebo herding skills. Security forces should be directed not to prevent their movement along the border areas.

Four, large-scale forestation and large-scale grass-sowing activities through aerial seeding and use of drip-irrigation technology must be undertaken. Five, NITI Aayog should prepare a defence-development plan for area development. And six, the Indian Army should revisit the idea of legalising the existing illegal border trade at specific places such as at Dhumtsele and Demchok.

Galwan has changed geopolitics in the Himalayas. India must step up.


Restricting Chinese imports will not be easy India could revoke the Most Favoured Nation status to Pakistan, but may not be able to do so with China

The quantum of trade between India and China will constrain the former from imposing sanctions on the latter

The quantum of trade between India and China will constrain the former from imposing sanctions on the latter(Bloomberg)

The rising border tensions between India and China in the Galwan Valley took a bloody turn when 20 brave Indian soldiers lost their lives in a military skirmish with China. As strategic affairs experts try to figure out China’s Achilles heel which India can exploit to tame the dragon, the clamour for an economic boycott of China is growing.

From an international law point of view, can India can impose restrictions on Chinese imports by, say, revoking China’s most favoured nation (MFN) status in the World Trade Organization (WTO)? In the immediate aftermath of the Pulwama terror attack, last year, in which around 40 Central Reserve Police Force soldiers died, India revoked Pakistan’s MFN status in the WTO. So arguably what is sauce for the goose should be sauce for the gander.

Article XXI (b) (iii) of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) allows a WTO member country to take action “which it considers necessary for the protection of its essential security interests taken in time of war or other emergency in international relations”. The current situation between India and China definitely qualifies as an emergency in international relations. Since this standoff also involves safeguarding India’s territorial sovereignty, there is an “essential security interest” at stake.

The legal challenge for India, in order to make a successful case under Article XXI, will be to demonstrate that the trade-restrictive measure it adopts during this emergency with regard to China is “necessary” to address the current security situation. Contrary to what many believe, the words, “which it considers” in Article XXI (b) (iii) does not make the provision self-judging. Although India will enjoy significant leeway in determining what constitutes “necessary” measures, these shall be subject to a good faith review. There are two cases in which WTO panels dealing with the national security and defence have affirmed this. These are the Russia-Traffic in Transit case involving Russia and Ukraine and the recently decided Qatar — Goods from the UAE case, involving Qatar and the United Arab Emirates.

Therefore, in order to show that the measure adopted is “necessary”, India has to prove two things. First, that India genuinely believes that adopting the measure (say reneging on an MFN obligation) is necessary to protect its essential security interests. Second, as the Russia-Transit case demonstrates, the measure meets the minimum requirement of plausibility with regard to the essential security interests in question. In other words, the measure should be connected to the emergency at hand as to make it feasible for the protection of essential security interests.

In Pakistan’s case, India retracted its MFN promise by increasing tariff rates to 200% on all Pakistani imports. Although India’s decision to increase tariffs on Pakistani imports was driven by national security concerns, oddly enough, the notification on this did not even mention national security. This could have been because the decision was taken under Section 8A(1) of the Customs Tariff Act, which gives “emergency power” to the Indian government to increase import duties if the government is satisfied that this is necessary in the given circumstances. But, section 8A(1) does not talk of “national security” as a ground to modify tariff rates; it refers to economic emergencies.

Consequently, it will be difficult to accept under WTO law that India genuinely believed that hiking tariff rates to 200% on all Pakistani imports is necessary to safeguard India’s essential security interests. India got away because Pakistan has not challenged India’s measure before a WTO panel. The reason could be that bilateral trade between the two countries is too small.

But, using Section 8A(1) to impose trade restrictions on China will be tricky. China will, in all probability, challenge this in the WTO, and India will find it difficult to defend its action. If India wants to restrict Chinese imports on national security grounds, it will have to provide a reasonable explanation as to why and how imposing trade restrictions on China are “necessary” to defend India’s essential security interests.

The other constraining factor for India is the high quantum of bilateral trade between the two countries. With bilateral trade at almost $90 billion a year, it is around 45 times more than that with Pakistan. Moreover, numerous Chinese imports are used as intermediary products in Indian industries ranging from pharmaceuticals, automobiles, and electronics. So, curbing imports on these will be tantamount to India losing out too. It is clear from this — when it comes to India’s dealing with Pakistan and China under WTO, what’s sauce for the goose is definitely not sauce for the gander.

Prabhash Ranjan is a senior assistant professor at the South Asian University’s faculty of legal studies
The views expressed are personal

No intrusion in our territory, army has free hand, says PM

While highlighting the capability of India’s armed forces and suggesting they have been given a free hand, Modi said that with India upgrading its border infrastructure, its armed forces better equipped, and more frequent patrolling, India is able to better “monitor” developments at the LAC and “respond better”.

PM Modi during the all-party meet to discuss the faceoff in Galwan Valley between Indian and Chinese army personnel

PM Modi during the all-party meet to discuss the faceoff in Galwan Valley between Indian and Chinese army personnel(PTI)

In the wake of the killing of 20 Indian Army soldiers by China’s People’s Liberation Army (PLA) in Ladakh’s Galwan Valley and amid reports of Chinese forces intruding across the Line of Actual Control (LAC), Prime Minister Narendra Modi categorically said on Friday that neither has anyone entered Indian territory, nor is anyone present in Indian territory currently, and nor is any Indian post captured.

The PM also praised the valour of the 20 army personnel killed in the clash, and said they “taught a lesson” to those who were eyeing Indian territory.

While highlighting the capability of India’s armed forces and suggesting they have been given a free hand, Modi said that with India upgrading its border infrastructure, its armed forces better equipped, and more frequent patrolling, India is able to better “monitor” developments at the LAC and “respond better”.

“Neither has anyone entered our territory, nor is anyone still there, nor is any of our posts under anyone’s capture. In Ladakh, our 20 jawans got martyred. But they taught a lesson to those who were eyeing Indian territory,” he said at an all-party meeting called to discuss the India-China border situation.

But the PM’s remarks led to some speculation about the exact status at the LAC, particularly the Galwan Valley, which China, in recent statements, has claimed is part of its sovereign territory. India has dismissed the Chinese claim of sovereignty over the Galwan valley.

A ministry of external affairs (MEA) statement on Wednesday said the Chinese sought to erect a structure in Galwan valley on the Indian side of the LAC and took “pre-meditated and planned action” that resulted in the violence and casualties on June 15. The statement further said the Chinese intended to change the status quo on the ground in violation of all bilateral agreements not to do so.

China’s People’s Liberation Army (PLA) killed 20 personnel of the Indian Army, including a Colonel, on June 15 in the Galwan valley after the PLA did not follow through on a commitment to disengage as per an understanding reached between the two militaries on June 6. While China has not officially given out numbers of casualties on its side, Indian military officials familiar with the sequence of the clash believe there were over 40 casualties on the Chinese side, including deaths and injuries. This was the first incident of bloodshed on the India-China border since 1975 and has led to an escalation of the ongoing conflict at the border in eastern Ladakh.

Friday’s all-party meeting to discuss the fallout of the incident was attended by defence minister Rajnath Singh, external affairs minister S Jaishankar, Congress president Sonia Gandhi, Trinamool Congress chief Mamata Banerjee, Bahujan Samaj Party chief Mayawati, Nationalist Congress Party chief Sharad Pawar, Telangana Rashtra Samithi leader K Chandrasekhar Rao, Janata Dal (United) chief Nitish Kumar, Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) leader MK Stalin, YSR Congress Party’s YS Jagan Mohan Reddy and Shiv Sena president Uddhav Thackeray .

Even as all political parties expressed their solidarity with the government and the armed forces in the wake of the ongoing confrontation with China in eastern Ladakh, Congress president Sonia Gandhi questioned the government about a possible intelligence failure, suggested that the country had been kept in dark about developments, and demanded the restoration of status quo ante at the LAC.

In his remarks at the end of the meeting, according to an official statement released by the Prime Minister’s Office, Modi said that the entire country was “hurt and angry” at China’s steps at the LAC, but emphasised that the armed forces were doing all that they needed to do protect the country. “Be it deployment, action or counter action, through land, sea or air, our forces are taking the necessary steps to protect the country… Indian forces are capable of moving together across sectors.” He said that while the army had been given the freedom to take necessary steps, India had also conveyed its position through diplomatic means.

The PM also said that the government had given primacy to development of border area infrastructure; it had also provided fighter planes, modern helicopters, missile defence systems and other needs of the armed forces; and patrolling capacity at LAC had also increased. “We are better informed about the developments at LAC and consequently are able to monitor and respond better. The movement of those which used to take place without any disruption earlier is now checked by our jawans, which, at times, leads to build up of tension,” he said, according to the official statement.

External affairs minister S Jaishankar made a presentation at the meeting, which conveyed the stance taken by the ministry and included a summation of the engagements through diplomatic and other channels with the Chinese side to de-escalate and to disengage, people familiar with development said. According to the official statement, he also gave an overview of agreements between India and China on border management, informed about the directions given by the PM in 2014 to accord highest priority to the development of infrastructure in border areas in the regions identified and approved by the government back in 1999.

Commenting on the PM’s comments on the incursion, Commodre (retired) C Uday Bhaskar, director of the Society for Policy Studies, said: “PM Modi’s s statement that nobody has entered Indian territory may be ‘legally’ accurate but it is disingenuous. It is contrary to the MEA’s assertion about a premeditated attack by the PLA and will baffle a nation that is shocked and enraged at the manner in which 20 army personnel have lost their lives.”

Bhaskar added that while the sensitivity of the LAC violence must be recognised, there was a “growing sense, accompanied with dismay” that the country was not being told the full truth about the Galwan setback.

Two retired army officials, who asked not to be named, also expressed their surprise.

A former army commander, who asked not to be named, said: “If the PLA has not breached the LAC and come into our areas, what is the dialogue at the military and diplomatic level for? The people of the country must be made aware of the reality along the border.”

A second retired officer said on condition of anonymity that China was trying to change status quo along the border. “We have to assert our claims forcefully. Many soldiers have died guarding these frontiers. We must never forget that.”


Nepalese pensioners who retired from Indian Army facing financial crunch due to sealing of border

Several veteran ex-servicemen of Nepal who worked in the Indian Army, are living in the border areas of western Nepal.

Image for representation.

Image for representation. (AP )

Pensioners of Nepal, who have retired from the Indian Army are facing financial crises these days. They are not being able to draw pensions form banks on the Indian side in Uttarakhand since March due to the sealing of the border between the two countries, said an ex-serviceman.

Several veteran ex-servicemen of Nepal who worked in the Indian Army, are living in the border areas of western Nepal. They draw their pension from Indian banks situated in Banbasa area of Champawat, Jhulaghat and Dharchula areas of Pithoragarh and Khatima area of US Nagar district in Uttarakhand.

“These are the Nepalese citizens who joined the Indian Army previously through a certain quota for the Nepalese and are now living in border areas of Nepal. They still draw a pension from different Indian banks situated on this side of the border,” said Capt Bhani Chand (Retd), president, Gaurav Sainani Kalyan Samiti, Banbasa, Champawat.

Also read: No intrusion in our territory, army has free hand, says PM

The Nepalese used to be recruited in the army under the Indo-Nepal treaty. They worked in the Indian Army and later returned to their native places after retirement. Several of them have been settled in Dehradun, Almora, Pithoragarh and different parts of Uttarakhand also.

“Nepalese ex-servicemen are facing this problem along the Uttar Pradesh and Bihar border also. Nepalese ex-servicemen requested us to raise their problem so we are sending a memorandum to defence ministry of India,” said Capt Chand.

“Around 700 Nepalese pensioners draw pension every month from our branch. Their pension is pending due to the sealing of India-Nepal border,” said Kamlesh Joshi, branch manager, state bank of India, Jhulaghat.

The Nepalese are recruited in the army as per the Indo-Nepal treaty-1950. According to its provisions, the Nepal government allows its citizens to serve Indian Armed Forces and in return, India allows Nepalese to work anywhere in India in the private sector or government services (except for Indian administrative services).

Pramod Bhatt, a businessman from Jhulaghat, said, “I have been watching Nepalese pensioners coming for their pension and purchasing household materials since childhood. They are not coming for the last three months due to the sealing of the international border.”

Notably, international border is sealed since March due to Covid-19 outbreak. Entry points along the border were opened but only for migrants of both sides. No other person was allowed to cross the border during the lockdown, said officials.


Chinese action in Galwan Valley unacceptable, efforts underway to ensure peaceful resolution: IAF chief Bhadauria

Air Chief Marshal RKS Bhadauria visited Ladakh to review the Indian Air Force’s preparedness in the sensitive sector where the force is operating its fighter jets and new attack and heavy-lift helicopters two days after the 20 men were killed in Galwan Valley.

Air Chief Marshal RKS Bhadauria made the comments during the Combined Graduation Parade (CGP) at the Air Force Academy in Hyderabad.

Air Chief Marshal RKS Bhadauria made the comments during the Combined Graduation Parade (CGP) at the Air Force Academy in Hyderabad.(ANI Twitter)

Air Chief Marshal RKS Bhadauria said on Sunday the “gallant action” of the 20 Indian Army personnel, who were killed in a violent face-off with Chinese troops in eastern Ladakh’s Galwan Valley, have shown the forces’ resolve to protect “India’s sovereignty at any cost”.

Bhadauria had made a low-key visit to Ladakh to review the Indian Air Force’s (IAF’s) preparedness in the sensitive sector where the force is operating its fighter jets and new attack and heavy-lift helicopters two days after the 20 men, including a commander, were killed in Galwan Valley.

The IAF chief visited the forward airbases—Leh on Wednesday and Srinagar on Thursday—at a time of increased Chinese military activity across the disputed Line of Actual Control (LAC) where Indian and Chinese troops have been caught in a tense confrontation for over seven weeks and efforts to de-escalate have failed.

“Please join me in paying tribute to Colonel Santosh Babu and his brave men who made the sacrifice while defending the LAC in Galwan Valley. The gallant actions in a highly-challenging situation have demonstrated our resolve to protect India’s sovereignty at any cost,” Bhadauria, the Indian Air Force (IAF) chief, said, according to news agency ANI.

He made the comments during the Combined Graduation Parade (CGP) at the Air Force Academy in Hyderabad.

“In spite of unacceptable Chinese action after agreements reached during military talks and the resulting loss of lives, all efforts are underway to ensure that the current situation at LAC is resolved peacefully,” Bhadauria said.

The security scenario in our region mandates that our armed forces remain prepared and vigilant at all times. The development at the Line of Actual Control (LAC) in Ladakh is a small snapshot of what we are required to handle at short notice,” he said.

Tensions between India and China have increased after the June 15 Galwan Valley scrap that marked the first Indian casualties in a border clash with China’s People’s Liberation Army (PLA) since October 1975 when Chinese troops ambushed an Indian patrol in Arunachal Pradesh’s Tulung La sector and shot four soldiers dead.


Crises of India’s own making Be it China or Nepal, we have allowed rhetoric to subvert diplomacy

Crises of India’s own making

verestimation: A part of the self-delusional bravado of our leadership lies in its belief in the omnipotent ‘Indian market’.

Rajesh Ramachandran

There has been a humiliating rupture in India’s ties with its eastern neighbours, China and Nepal. This would have been just another episode of politico-military bungling, which India is used to, had it not been for the loss of lives of 20 soldiers, including the Commanding Officer of 16 Bihar Regiment, and the capture of four officers and six others on June 15. India has retrieved the captives and the bodies, but not its prestige. External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar, in his telephone conversation with Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi, categorically stated that the violence and casualties were the result of a premeditated and planned action by the Chinese troops and that this action proves the neighbour’s intent to alter the status quo.

Why would the Chinese unleash a premeditated attack to capture the heights of the Galwan valley? Well, to answer the question, we need to first accept the fact that India has lost territory to Chinese aggressive designs in the Galwan valley to occupy the vantage point overlooking the Darbuk-Shyok-Daulet Beg Oldie road, much like the Pakistani infiltration in Kargil intended to cut off the Leh-Srinagar road in 1999. Once this planned action and its intent are understood, it is easier to analyse why the Chinese did what they did. Late last summer, on August 6, 2019, while abrogating Article 370 of the Constitution to create the two union territories of Jammu & Kashmir and Ladakh, Home Minister Amit Shah had stated that Pak-occupied Kashmir (PoK) and Aksai Chin are integral parts of India and he would give up his life to keep it so.

This was an aggressive and provocative statement about territory held by a nuclear-armed neighbour — something that necessitated an immediate diplomatic intervention. Within a week of Shah’s statement, Jaishankar visited Beijing to calm Chinese nerves. But the deceptively calm Chinese waited for the next summer to respond to the statement. The Chinese seem to have expected India to act according to its stated intent, that too articulated at the highest level, for that is what nations normally do. But unfortunately, Indian politicians have a habit of using extremely volatile foreign policy issues to score domestic brownie points. The ‘chest-thumping government’, as The Economist magazine calls it, did not realise that the inimical neighbour would take the theatrics seriously. So, instead of India crossing the Line of Actual Control (LAC) to put up posts in Aksai Chin, the Chinese made the aggressive move.

A part of the self-delusional bravado of our leadership lies in its belief in the omnipotent ‘Indian market’. Little do they realise that the $56 billion trade surplus China has over India does not make much of a difference to its economy; India is only its 12th largest trading partner. So, what Indians assume to be bountiful munificence is just small change for China; worse, India has become so completely dependent on Chinese imports in almost all spheres of life that it will soon have to reinvent the wheel to show a national spine. And that will not happen in a hurry because even while the tension on the LAC was spiralling out of control, the Union Government and its departments and Public Sector Units were busy awarding contracts to Chinese companies. One of these was offered as late as June 12, to dig a tunnel close to the Hindon Air Force base near Delhi.

The Nepal fiasco is also another instance of domestic electoral politics influencing foreign policy. If the thunderous statements on PoK and Aksai Chin were meant for the domestic audience, the Nepal strategy was shaped by the Hindutva agenda. The demeaning economic blockade of 2015 and the attempt to use Madhesis as a vote bank to manipulate Nepali politics backfired to such an extent that the Indian influence in Nepal diminished drastically. Now, the dormant anti-India sentiment has got institutionalised with a law amending the Constitution, which empowers the government to redraw the country’s map with Indian territories Limpiyadhura, Kalapani and Lipulekh as part of Nepal, violating all previous agreements and international norms.

After the Covid lockdown breaking the back of the economy and reducing poor workers to destitution, the worst that could have happened was a war-like situation. China might have wanted to inflict pain not just for our claims on Aksai Chin, but also for our perceived proximity with the US. The Quadrilateral Security Dialogue or Quad military alliance with the US, Japan and Australia could have provoked China, yet a planned aggression in Ladakh leading to a large number of fatalities has to be accepted as China’s projection of power. And there are lessons to learn.

Indian leaders should no longer superimpose domestic political sloganeering on to foreign policy objectives. Border disputes cannot be used to score brownie points in Parliament. Indo-Pak wars have been derisively described as ‘communal riots with tanks’; but war is serious business that deserves to be handled by professionals, not pliant military leaders who talk loosely about a two-front war to merely bolster their masters’ identity politics. Hindutva cannot replace diplomacy, either as a manipulating tool in the case of Nepal or as an identity project against Pakistan. If India has to capture PoK, Gilgit-Baltistan and Aksai Chin, India must, but with a clearly laid-down visionary doctrine that understands the gain, pain and cost. But it cannot be used as a slogan to fight the next municipal elections.

It will be tragically counter-productive to use toxic TV anchors as force-multipliers. All that they are capable of is to whip up a national frenzy which can consume common sense, caution and considered responses. India deserves better.