Sanjha Morcha

Army brings uniformity in uniform for officers above Colonel rank

NEW DELHI: Calling it a move to bring in uniformity in uniforms, the Army has decided to do away with differences in the attires of officers above the rank of Colonel.

This means that all Brigadier-rank officers and above will sport the same beret, cap, shoulder badge, lanyard and belt.

Currently, depending on the regiment or arm that an officer belongs to, the colour of the beret, lanyard, badge, etc., differ. And the badge on the belt is also different.

“We have taken the decision to do away with differences in the uniform of officers from the rank of a Brigadier. The uniforms show your links with the regiment, arm or service that you belong to,” a senior Army officer said.

“But all of them are Indian Army officers, so there should be no difference. There should be no affiliation to the lanyard or the regiment,” the officer added.

To begin with, the dress that officers don in the evening while visiting the officer’s mess will be changed. The Army has already received three types of samples and a final decision on it will be taken soon.

The uniform is a matter of pride for every soldier. As soon as an officer gets commissioned, he is assigned a particular service that has distinct badges.

Currently, all rifle regiments such as the Rajputana Rifles and Gorkha Rifles have black-coloured badges on their shoulders and buttons.

The colour is silver for the Assam Regiment and brass for the J&K Light Infantry.

The colour of the beret also varies. It is navy blue for the engineers regiment, green for the Gorkha Rilfes and maroon for the parachute regiment. Similarly all regiments/corps have different lanyards.

The uniforms also change with the season, and are different in winter and summer.

The Army has a total of 42,913 officers, starting from the rank of a Lieutenant to the Chief of Army Staff with the rank of General.

 


Army red-flags MHA move to take over Assam Rifles

Army red-flags MHA move to take over Assam Rifles

The Army has red-flagged a proposal by the Home Ministry to bring the Assam Rifles under its operational control, saying such a move will seriously jeopardise surveillance over the country’s sensitive border with China when it has been ramping up military infrastructure along the frontiers with India.

Top military sources said concerned over the proposal, the Army strongly took up the issue with the Defence Ministry last week, urging it to intervene in the matter, considering the possible national security implications if the operational control of the nearly 185-year-old Assam Rifles was handed over to the Home Ministry.

The Cabinet Committee on Security (CCS), headed by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, is likely to examine the Home Ministry’s move to merge the Assam Rifles with the Indo-Tibetan Border Police (ITBP) and bring overall operational control under it.

“Shifting the operational control of the Assam Rifles from the Army to the Home Ministry will severely jeopardise the surveillance along the Line of Actual Control with China,” a top military official said. Sources said the Army’s views on the matter had been conveyed to the top defence and security brass.

The Home Ministry has already prepared a draft note to be presented at the CCS seeking total control of Assam Rifles. The biggest concern for the Army is that this could impact the Army’s capability to effectively guard the sensitive border with China.

“The Assam Rifles fills the void when Army units carry forward the battle to the enemy territory. This is the only genuine paramilitary force which actively participated in all wars since Independence, including the 1962 and 1971 wars,” said a senior Army official. — PTI

50,000-personnel defence line 

  • The nearly 55,000-strong Assam Rifles, with 46 battalions, has been guarding India’s border with Myanmar
  • It has been providing operational & logistics support to Army in keeping vigil in key sectors in Arunachal
  • It has also been carrying out counter-insurgency operations in militancy-hit North Eastern region
  • At present, Home Ministry has administrative authority over Assam Rifles and the Army its operational control

President Kovind Honours Corps Of Army Air Defence With President’s Colours Award

President Kovind Honours Corps Of Army Air Defence With President’s Colours Award 

President Ram Nath Kovind on Saturday (28 September) handed over the prestigious President’s Colours Award to the Corps of Army Air Defence at Gopalpur in Odisha’s Ganjam district.

The President’s Colours Award is the highest military honour for an armed forces organisation. This award is given in recognition of exceptional service rendered by to the nation, both during peace and hostile.

The President was presented the Rashtriya salute at the commencement of an impressive parade led by the contingent.

In his address, he recalled the glorious legacy of the Indian Armed Forces in protecting the unity, integrity and sovereignty of the nation in general and the Corps of Army Air Defence in particular.

The occasion was attended by senior officers and civil dignitaries. Prominent amongst those present on the occasion included Odisha Governor Professor Ganeshi Lal.

During World War II, the Air Defence troops participated in various operations like Burma campaign, Siege of Imphal and Kohima, recapture of Rangoon, operations in Arakans, Myitkiyina, Hongkong, Singapore, Malaya, Bahrain, Iraq and Persia and won multiple gallantry awards namely four Military Crosses, one Medal of the British Empire, seven Indian Distinguished Service Medals and two Orders of the British Empire, said sources.

The Air Defence has been in existence since 1940 as a part of Corps of Artillery however, as an independent arm, it got recognition in 1994. The Corps of Army Air Defence has been awarded with two Ashok Chakras, two Kirti Chakras, 20 Vir Chakras, nine Shauryas Chakras, 113 Sena Medals and 55 Mention-in-Despatches in addition to four Honour Titles awarded during 1971 Indo-Pak war.

(This story has been published from a wire agency feed without modifications to the text. Only the headline has been changed.)


Militant killed in encounter with security forces in J-K’s Ganderbal

Militant killed in encounter with security forces in J-K’s Ganderbal

A weapon was recovered from the scene of the encounter. Tribune file

Srinagar, September 28

A militant was killed in an encounter with security forces in Ganderbal district of Jammu and Kashmir on Saturday, the Army said.

The encounter broke out between militants and security forces in the Trumkhal area, in the upper reaches of Ganderbal on Saturday morning, an Army official said.

He said one militant was killed in the gun battle.

A weapon was recovered from the scene of the encounter. PTI

 


Doval arrives in Kashmir Valley on second visit since abrogation of J-K’s special status

Doval arrives in Kashmir Valley on second visit since abrogation of J-K’s special status

Srinagar, September 25

National Security Advisor Ajit Doval arrived here on Wednesday to take stock of the situation in Kashmir Valley and decide the future course of action for the smooth implementation of government plans after the withdrawal of special status of Jammu and Kashmir, officials said.

Doval will meet top security officials and take stock of security and development-related activities in the state, which will be converted into two Union Territories—Jammu and Kashmir, and Ladakh—on October 31, the officials said.

It was not immediately known how long the NSA would stay in the Valley.

The NSA had camped for 11 days in the Valley after the Centre announced its decision to withdraw the special status of the state under Article 370 and split it into two UTs on August 5.

During that period, he had ensured that there was no violence in the aftermath of the government’s decision.

During his previous stay, he had taken rounds of the militancy-hit Shopian town in south Kashmir and Downtown Srinagar.

He had also addressed personnel of the Jammu and Kashmir Police, CRPF and Army separately, telling them about their successes in disturbed areas and underling their importance in ensuring the safety of the country and citizens.

The NSA has been closely monitoring the situation and ensuring smooth coordination between all arms of security forces in the hinterland as well as along the line of control.

On August 5, the government announced the decision to abrogate special status of Jammu and Kashmir under Article 370 of the Constitution, and dividing the state into two Union Territories. — PTI


An open letter to the citizens of UT Ladakh by Lt Gen Baljit Singh (Retd) Environmental activist

Lt Gen Baljit Singh (Retd)

It is for my Ladakhi friends to note how and how much such ventures in the absence of a holistic model have eroded Nepal’s heritage and culture, besides immeasurably scarring her ecology. In contrast, the near-absence or selective intrusion by tourism and business conglomerates in Bhutan has preserved and even enhanced the self-esteem of its people and its overall well-being.

An open letter to the citizens of UT Ladakh

Guide for ladakhis: Wisdom emanating from Chief Seattle’s response to ‘The Great White Chief’ in Washington in the 19th century.

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Dear friends, I understand and appreciate your sense of elation on the prospect of becoming part of a Union Territory shortly and at the opportunity of transforming Ladakh into an all-encompassing region of your dreams. But in this moment charged with stupendous excitement, it is but human to make hasty choices which may well trivialise Ladakh’s ancient civilisation, irretrievably. I am least qualified to suggest how you may shape your future, but I do have a copy of a letter provoked under similar circumstances from the history of the US, which is perhaps a very pragmatic guide for Ladakhis in all walks of life, both at this juncture and for the future.

Back in the 19th century, 1854 to be precise, US President Franklin Pierce had made an offer to one of the leaders of a Native American tribe, Chief Seattle, that if he were to make over a large area of native land to the US Government, they will transform it into a modern ‘reservation’ for the ‘Indian people’, much like the promise of ‘development’ presently held out for UT Ladakh by the J&K State Reorganisation Bill. So, when business conglomerates move in to look for land for myriad development infrastructures, the wisdom eradiating from Chief Seattle’s response to ‘The Great White Chief’ in Washington deserves your total attention:

“…This earth is sacred to my people. Every shining pine needle…and humming insect is holy in the memory and experience of my people…he wishes to buy our land, he asks much of us. The Great Chief sends word he will reserve us a place so that we can live comfortably to ourselves… He will be our father and we will be his children. So we will consider your offer… But it will not be easy. For this land is sacred to us… We are part of the earth and it is a part of us. The perfumed flowers are our sisters; the deer, the horse, the great eagle, these are our brothers. The rocky crests, the juices in the meadows, the body heat of the pony, and man — all belong to the same family. Man did not weave the web of life, he is merely a strand in it…and to harm the earth is to heap contempt upon its Creator.”

Besides Leh, there would be at least another dozen settlements with a sizeable population to classify as townships which the conceptualisers of the development module may wish to upgrade to mini “Smart” towns. The merchants of this transformation may have an idea of the impact on the fragile ecology of the trans-Himalaya, but even so, they are unlikely to divulge it to you. And left to yourselves, it will not be easy to crystal-gaze its full ramifications. Yet, the onus is upon you and you alone to be alive to the potential negative impacts on your pristine heritage and lifestyles, for the generations to come. Surprisingly, Chief Seattle had a clear vision how the idea of the ‘reservation’ will rob them of their centuries-old emotional, spiritual and aesthetic rhythms of a symbiotic lifestyle:

“Our ways are different from your ways. The sight of your cities pains the eyes of the red man. But perhaps it is because the red man is a savage and does not understand. There is no quiet place in the white man’s cities. No place to hear the unfurling of leaves in spring, or the rustle of an insect’s wings. But perhaps it is because I am a savage and do not understand. The clatter only seems to insult the ears. And what is there to life if a man cannot hear the lonely cry of the whippoorwill or the arguments of the frogs around a pond at night?…. The Indian prefers the soft sound of the wind darting over the face of a pond, and the smell of the wind itself, cleansed by rain or scented with the pine cone. One portion of land is the same to the white man as the next, for he is a stranger who comes in the night and takes from the land whatever he needs… He treats his mother, the earth, and his brother, the sky, as things to be bought, plundered, sold like sheep or bright beads. His appetite will devour the earth and leave behind only a desert.”

Two days post the announcement of the Reorganisation Bill, one of the prime TV channels had two senior representatives from India’s business multinationals to give us an idea of what potential for development they had in mind. I, for one, was left aghast by their terse and infantile pronouncements: simply tourism and IT ventures.

Now, it is for my Ladakhi friends to note how and how much such ventures in the absence of a holistic model have eroded Nepal’s heritage and culture, besides immeasurably scarring her ecology. But on the other hand, how in Bhutan, the near-absence or selective intrusion by tourism and business conglomerates has preserved and even enhanced the self-esteem of its people and the country’s overall well-being.

Not so long ago, from my experience in Ladakh, there were several vast open plains of unique composite landscapes comprising three earthly elements under clear blue skies, namely, sand, water and solid rocky ridges topped by snow all the year round. And in one such stretch (Mahe to Hanle and Fukche), the whole of it bisected by the perennial, rippling blue waters of the mighty Indus river. But above all, together these landscapes represented a showpiece slice of the ‘Living Planet’, dotted partly with black-necked cranes, ibisbills, golden eagles, Tibetan antelopes/chirus, blue sheep, marmots (once even a streaking flash of a snow leopard) and occasional scatterings of the Alpine flowers, an odd solitary blue poppy, but more often, larger assemblages of aster, gentiana, dianthus etc.

So, lest we diminish and destroy such precious heritage, let us take heed of Chief Seattle’s concerns:

“…shining water that moves in the streams and rivers is not just water but the blood of our ancestors…each ghastly reflection in the clear water of the lake tells of events and memories in the life of my people. The water’s murmur is the voice of my father’s father. The air is precious to the red man, for all things share the same breath: the beast, the tree, the man… So we will consider your offer… will make one condition. The white man must treat the beasts of this land as his brothers. What is man without the beasts? If all the beasts were gone, man would die from a great loneliness of spirit. For, whatever happens to the beasts, soon happens to man. All things are connected.”

I conclude my letter, friends, by reproducing the dedication from the book Birds & Mammals of Ladakh by Otto Pfister: ‘To the people of Ladakh, Om Mani Padme Hum!’


Month on, trade activities yet to resume in Valley

Businessmen blame lack of mobile, Internet services

Month on, trade activities yet to resume in Valley

Though private vehicles are seen plying on the roads, traders say carrying on routine business was impossible in the absence of mobile and Internet services.

M Aamir Khan

Tribune News Service

Srinagar, September 2

Valley-based businessmen are staring at a grim future as shops and business establishments are yet to resume normal activities for nearly a month now.

Though private vehicles are seen plying on the roads, traders say carrying on routine business was impossible in the absence of mobile and Internet services.

“In 2016, the unrest lasted for six months. The businesses suffered then too, but not like this time. We would do some business then but the lack of mobile services has completely paralysed the trade now. I had to pay a penalty of Rs 1 lakh as the detention fee at the customs in Delhi as I was unable to collect my consignment from China on time. Due to no mobile and Internet, the information of the arrival of consignment did not reach me,” said Arif Ahmad, a businessmen dealing with housing products.

He said doing business had become hard due to no mobile services. “How many people have landline connections? Most of us have discarded the same due to the faulty BSNL service. And the landlines mostly function in government offices only. I had to deliver a consignment to Baramulla (in north Kashmir) but have not been able to contact with my lorry driver due to no phone facility. It is only possible to send the consignment during wee hours and the drivers of Srinagar are unwilling to travel to Baramulla. How can businesses be done without mobile and Internet in today’s age?” he asked.

Sarwar Jan, another trader, too said the businesses had never suffered like this before.

“In the past, mobile and Internet have never remained shut for a month no matter how bad the situation was. Landlines, broadband and leased-line connections would work then but this time, there is no sign of resumption of services. We are in a state of hopelessness and gloom. A few days back, I travelled to Delhi just to get access to Internet and mobile services. Unfortunately, the people at the helm seem to be inconsiderate to the problems faced. Our economy will be destroyed if these curbs continue,” he added.

‘Our economy will be destroyed’

In the past, mobile and Internet have never remained shut for a month no matter how bad the situation was. Landlines, broadband and leased-line connections would work then, but this time there is no sign of resumption of services…. Our economy will be destroyed if these curbs continue. — Sarwar Jan, trader

 


Chief of Defence Staff: Can the new superchief call the shots?

he armed forces will finally have a superboss-the Chief of Defence Staff. Whether the new incumbent can transform India’s defence apparatus and make the services a more effectively coordinated fighting unit will depend on how categorical his writ is.

Top guns (From left), The three service chiefs, Gen. Bipin Rawat, Adm. Karambir Singh and Air Chief Marshal B.S. Dhanoa.

The Red Fort is both a powerful metaphor for India’s military might and a backdrop for change. The crenellated seat of two empires, Mughal and British, it was from this fort’s ramparts that India announced to the world that it had made the transition into an independent republic. It was also from where Prime Minister Narendra Modi announ­ced India’s most significant defence reform in 72 years. Speaking at the Red Fort on the 72nd Independence Day, Modi announced the institution of the post of a Chief of Defence Staff (CDS).

The CDS would be the government’s single-point military advisor, and sharpen coordination between the forces making them even more effective, he said. Even for a government that has made stealth, secrecy and surprise its hallmarks, the announcement came as a bolt from the blue. Few within the mammoth ministry of defence, which has functioned almost without change since the days of the British Raj, saw it coming.

Even the armed forces were taken by surprise. Early last year, in a first across-the-board consensus, the three services agreed to appoint a permanent chairman of the Chiefs of Staff Committee (CoSC). The proposal sent to the PMO for approval was for a fourth four-star officer who would head the CoSC consisting of the three service chiefs (it is currently held by the seniormost ser­vice chief in rotation). The CDS, which Modi opted to announce instead, is a massive step-up from a permanent chairman. The decision was like Article 370, says one senior military official. Everyone expected minor tinkering the government instead went for radical change.


Land-attack version of BrahMos missile test-fired by India

Land-attack version of BrahMos missile test-fired by India

File image only for representational purposes.

Balasore, September 30

India on Monday successfully test fired a land-attack version of Brahmos supersonic missile from Chandipur coast in Odisha’s Balasore district.

The test met all flight parameters, said a source in the Defence Research & Development Organisation (DRDO).

The missile, with a strike range of 290km, can be fired from land as well as sea-based platforms, he said.

On March 11, 2017 the first extended version of the missile, which had strike range of 450 km, was successfully tested, the source added.

BrahMos is a joint venture between the DRDO and the NPOM of Russia.


Loose Nukes: Pakistan’s Nuclear Weapons Are A Nightmare for 1 Reason

Sandwiched between Iran, China, India and Afghanistan, Pakistan lives in a complicated neighborhood with a variety of security issues. One of the nine known states known to have nuclear weapons, Pakistan’s nuclear arsenal and doctrine are continually evolving to match perceived threats. A nuclear power for decades, Pakistan is now attempting to construct a nuclear triad of its own, making its nuclear arsenal resilient and capable of devastating retaliatory strikes.

Pakistan’s nuclear program goes back to the 1950s, during the early days of its rivalry with India. President Zulfikar Ali Bhutto famously said in 1965, “If India builds the bomb, we will eat grass or leaves, even go hungry, but we will get one of our own.”

The program became a higher priority after the country’s 1971 defeat at the hands of India, which caused East Pakistan to break away and become Bangladesh. Experts believe the humiliating loss of territory, much more than reports that India was pursuing nuclear weapons, accelerated the Pakistani nuclear program. India tested its first bomb, codenamed “Smiling Buddha,” in May 1974, putting the subcontinent on the road to nuclearization.

Pakistan began the process of accumulating the necessary fuel for nuclear weapons, enriched uranium and plutonium. The country was particularly helped by one A. Q. Khan, a metallurgist working in the West who returned to his home country in 1975 with centrifuge designs and business contacts necessary to begin the enrichment process. Pakistan’s program was assisted by European countries and a clandestine equipment-acquisition program designed to do an end run on nonproliferation efforts. Outside countries eventually dropped out as the true purpose of the program became clear, but the clandestine effort continued.

Exactly when Pakistan had completed its first nuclear device is murky. Former president Benazir Bhutto, Zulfikar Bhutto’s daughter, claimed that her father told her the first device was ready by 1977. A member of the Pakistan Atomic Energy Commission said design of the bomb was completed in 1978 and the bomb was “cold tested”—stopping short of an actual explosion—in 1983.

Benazir Bhutto later claimed that Pakistan’s bombs were stored disassembled until 1998, when India tested six bombs in a span of three days. Nearly three weeks later, Pakistan conducted a similar rapid-fire testing schedule, setting off five bombs in a single day and a sixth bomb three days later. The first device, estimated at twenty-five to thirty kilotons, may have been a boosted uranium device. The second was estimated at twelve kilotons, and the next three as sub-kiloton devices.

The sixth and final device appears to have also been a twelve-kiloton bomb that was detonated at a different testing range; a U.S. Air Force “Constant Phoenix” nuclear-detection aircraft reportedly detected plutonium afterward. Since Pakistan had been working on a uranium bomb and North Korea—which shared or purchased research with Pakistan through the A. Q. Khan network—had been working on a uranium bomb, some outside observers concluded the sixth test was actually a North Korean test, detonated elsewhere to conceal North Korea’s involvement although. There is no consensus on this conclusion.

Experts believe Pakistan’s nuclear stockpile is steadily growing. In 1998, the stockpile was estimated at five to twenty-five devices, depending on how much enriched uranium each bomb required. Today Pakistan is estimated to have an arsenal of 110 to 130 nuclear bombs. In 2015 the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and the Stimson Center estimated Pakistan’s bomb-making capability at twenty devices annually, which on top of the existing stockpile meant Pakistan could quickly become the third-largest nuclear power in the world. Other observers, however, believe Pakistan can only develop another forty to fifty warheads in the near future.

Pakistani nuclear weapons are under control of the military’s Strategic Plans Division, and are primarily stored in Punjab Province, far from the northwest frontier and the Taliban. Ten thousand Pakistani troops and intelligence personnel from the SPD guard the weapons. Pakistan claims that the weapons are only armed by the appropriate code at the last moment, preventing a “rogue nuke” scenario.

Pakistani nuclear doctrine appears to be to deter what it considers an economically, politically and militarily stronger India. The nuclear standoff is exacerbated by the traditional animosity between the two countries, the several wars the two countries have fought, and events such as the 2008 terrorist attack on Mumbai, which were directed by Pakistan. Unlike neighboring India and China, Pakistan does not have a “no first use” doctrine, and reserves the right to use nuclear weapons, particularly low-yield tactical nuclear weapons, to offset India’s advantage in conventional forces.

Pakistan currently has a nuclear “triad” of nuclear delivery systems based on land, in the air and at sea. Islamabad is believed to have modified American-built F-16A fighters and possibly French-made Mirage fighters to deliver nuclear bombs by 1995. Since the fighters would have to penetrate India’s air defense network to deliver their payloads against cities and other targets, Pakistani aircraft would likely be deliver tactical nuclear weapons against battlefield targets.

Land-based delivery systems are in the form of missiles, with many designs based on or influenced by Chinese and North Korean designs. The Hatf series of mobile missiles includes the solid-fueled Hatf-III (180 miles), solid-fueled Hatf-IV (466 miles) and liquid-fueled Hatf V, (766 miles). The CSIS Missile Threat Initiative believes that as of 2014, Hatf VI (1242 miles) is likely in service. Pakistan is also developing a Shaheen III intermediate-range missile capable of striking targets out to 1708 miles, in order to strike the Nicobar and Andaman Islands

The sea component of Pakistan’s nuclear force consists of the Babur class of cruise missiles. The latest version, Babur-2, looks like most modern cruise missiles, with a bullet-like shape, a cluster of four tiny tail wings and two stubby main wings, all powered by a turbofan or turbojet engine. The cruise missile has a range of 434 miles. Instead of GPS guidance, which could be disabled regionally by the U.S. government, Babur-2 uses older Terrain Contour Matching (TERCOM) and Digital Scene Matching and Area Co-relation (DSMAC) navigation technology. Babur-2 is deployed on both land and at sea on ships, where they would be more difficult to neutralize. A submarine-launched version, Babur-3, was tested in January and would be the most survivable of all Pakistani nuclear delivery systems.

Pakistan is clearly developing a robust nuclear capability that can not only deter but fight a nuclear war. It is also dealing with internal security issues that could threaten the integrity of its nuclear arsenal. Pakistan and India are clearly in the midst of a nuclear arms race that could, in relative terms, lead to absurdly high nuclear stockpiles reminiscent of the Cold War. It is clear that an arms-control agreement for the subcontinent is desperately needed.Kyle Mizokami is a defense and national-security writer based in San Francisco who has appeared in the DiplomatForeign PolicyWar is Boring and the Daily Beast. In 2009, he cofounded the defense and security blog Japan Security Watch. You can follow him on Twitter: @KyleMizokami. (This first appeared several years ago.)