Sanjha Morcha

VVIP chopper case: Defence agent sent to judicial custody till April 20

VVIP chopper case: Defence agent sent to judicial custody till April 20

Gupta was arrested by the ED under the Prevention of Money Laundering Act. File photo

New Delhi, April 6

A Delhi court on Monday sent Sushen Mohan Gupta, an alleged defence agent arrested in the Rs 3,600-crore VVIP chopper case, to judicial custody till April 20.

Gupta was arrested by the Enforcement Directorate under the Prevention of Money Laundering Act (PMLA).

The probe agency had said Gupta’s role in the case came to light on the basis of disclosures made by Rajiv Saxena, who has turned approver in the case after he was deported from the UAE and arrested by the agency here. PTI


Pak’s F-16 was shot down, says IAF; refutes US report

Pak’s F-16 was shot down, says IAF; refutes US report

File photo of an F-16 aircraft. Reuters

Ajay Banerjee
Tribune News Service
New Delhi, April 5

Reacting to claims from a US based news magazine, the Indian Air Force (IAF) on Friday evening said “during the engagement (the air-duel on Feb 27) a MiG-21 Bison of the IAF shot down one F-16 in the Nowshera sector”.

US magazine ‘Foreign Policy’ had said a count of the F-16s with Pakistan has found that none of them are “missing” and all the fighter planes were “present and accounted for”. The finding by the US on the ground in Pakistan “directly contradicted” India’s claim that its air force shot down an F-16 fighter jet during an aerial dogfight on February 27.

Read: US findings ‘contradict’ India’s claim that it shot down Pak’s jet on Feb 27

Responding to this, the IAF in a statement on Friday said: “There were two separate ejections (of pilots): one was the IAF MiG 21 Bison and the other a Pakistan Air Force aircraft. Electronic signatures gathered by us indicate that the PAF aircraft was an F-16”. The downed IAF plane was piloted by Wing Commander Abhinandan Varthaman, who had ejected over Pakistan Occupied Kashmir (PoK) and was returned to India on March 1.

The IAF on February 28 displayed pieces of the AMRAAM missile, fired by a Pakistani F-16, as evidence to “conclusively” prove that Pakistan deployed US-manufactured F-16 fighter jets during an aerial raid targeting Indian military installations in Kashmir.On April 1, the Director General of Pakistan’s Inter-Service Public Relations (ISPR) in a statement issued tonight said: “No Pakistani F16 was hit by IAF”. It had for the first time Pakistan admitted that the F-16 was used saying: “India can assume any type of their choice, even F-16. Pakistan retains the right to use anything and everything in its legitimate self-defence”.

According to the ‘Foreign Policy’ magazine, Pakistan invited the United States to physically count its F-16 planes after the incident as part of an end-user agreement signed when the foreign military sale was finalised.

 


ndia, Pak trade heavy fire along LoC

Three soldiers killed, seven posts in Rakhchikri and Rawalakote destroyed: Pak army

JAMMU : With no let up in crossborder skirmishes, Pakistani troops on Tuesday opened heavy fire and shot mortars along the Line of Control (LoC) in Jammu and Kashmir’s in Rajouri and Poonch districts.

NITIN KANOTRA/HT■ BSF director general Rajni Kant Mishra and other officers carry the coffin of Inspector T Alex Lalminlun after a wreath-laying ceremony in Jammu on Tuesday. Lalminlun was killed in shelling in Poonch by Pakistan troops on Tuesday.Following intense shelling by Pakistani troops on Monday, which left a five-year-old girl and a BSF officer among three dead and 20 others injured in Poonch, the trans- LoC trade via Chakan-da-Bagh was suspended on Tuesday.

In the retaliation carried out by Indian troops, the Inter-Services Public Relations (ISPR) of Pakistan said that three Pakistan army soldiers were killed on Tuesday by the Indian forces along the Line of Control (LoC) while seven Pakistan posts across the LoC in Rakhchikri and Rawalakote forward areas of Pakistan Occupied Kashmir (PoK), opposite Poonch, were destroyed.

Defence spokesman Lt Col Devender Anand said that at about 11.30 am on Tuesday, the Pakistan Army initiated unprovoked shelling with mortars and firing with small arms along the LoC in Nowshera sector of Rajouri district.

There was also firing and shelling by Pakistan troops in Shahpur sub-sector in Poonch on Tuesday, he said.

“The Indian Army is retaliating befittingly,” he added.

The slain Pakistan army soldiers, killed in retaliatory firing, were identified as Subedar Muhammad Riaz, Lance Havaldar Aziz Ullah and Sepoy Shahid Mansib.

“Three brave son of soil laid their lives in the line of duty. Indian troops resorted to unprovoked fire in Rakhchakri, Rawalakot Sector along Line of Control. Subedar Muhammad Riaz, resident of Jhang, Lance Havaldar Aziz Ullah from Noshero Feroz and Sepoy Shahid Mansib from Abbotabbad embraced Shahadat while one soldier got injured. Pakistan army responded effectively. Reports of casualties on Indian side,” posted ISPR, a publicity wing of the Pakistan army on its website on Tuesday.

On Monday, a five-year old girl Sobia Shareef, a 35-year-old woman Shaista Bi and an inspector of the Border Security Force (BSF) T Alex Lalminlun were killed and 20 others were injured in indiscriminate shelling and firing by the Pakistan army in Poonch.

As a precautionary measure, all schools along the borderline in Poonch and Rajouri districts have been closed by authorities.

CROSS-LOC TRADE SUSPENDED

The cross-LoC trade along the Poonch-Rawalakot route was suspended on Tuesday in view of the heavy shelling by Pakistan on forward areas along the LoC in Jammu and Kashmir, officials said.

“The weekly cross-LoC trade was suspended in view of the frequent shelling by Pakistan and tense security situation,” said Fareed Kohil, custodian of the Chakan-da-Bagh trade facilitation centre.

The cross-LoC trade between Poonch on this side and Rawalakot in Pakistan occupied Kashmir (PoK) takes place via Chakan-Da-Bagh crossing point in Poonch and Salamabad in Baramulla, four days a week from Tuesday to Friday on barter system. Kohli said the situation is being monitored and no decision has been taken yet on the resumption of the trade on Wednesday.

“The decision will be take

 


Yogi’s ‘Modi ji ki sena’ remark riles Opposition :: AN Insult and first step towards politicization of Forces

Yogi Adityanath

New Delhi, April 1

Yogi’s ‘Modi ji ki sena’ remark riles Opposition

Yogi Adityanath’s remark dubbing the Indian Army as “Modi ji ki sena” (Modi’s army) during an election campaign for the BJP created a political firestorm on Monday, with the Opposition leaders attacking the Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister for “insulting and humiliating” the force.

The Election Commission has also asked the District Magistrate of Ghaziabad to submit a report so that it can be checked whether there was any violation of the model code of conduct as it has already asked parties to “desist” from indulging in any propaganda involving defence forces during their Lok Sabha poll campaigns.

At a rally on Sunday, Adityanath, while campaigning for sitting MP and Union minister VK Singh in Ghaziabad, said what was “impossible” for the Congress, the Samajwadi Party and the Bahujan Samaj Party is possible under the BJP rule.

“Congress ke log aatank-wadiyon ko biryani khilate the aur Modi ji ki sena aatankwadiyon ko goli aur gola deti hai (Congress people would feed biryani to terrorists, while Modi’s army gives them bullet or bomb). This is the difference,” he said.

The remarks have also not gone down well with the military with sources indicating that it was “upset”.

Lt Gen HS Panag (retd)  said, “Such comments lead to the politicisation of the Army.” — PTI

 


30 lakh died ‘due to British failure in 1943’ IIT team says not caused by drought

30 lakh died ‘due to  British failure in 1943’

Courtesy: REUTERS

Manas Dasgupta

AHMEDABAD, March 31

A research paper by a team headed by a professor at the Indian Institute of Technology, Gandhinagar, has blamed the “complete policy failure” of the then British government for the deaths of nearly 30 lakh people in India in the 1943 famine, also known as the Bengal Famine, rather than due to the crop failure caused by depleted rainfall.

The team, headed by Vimal Mishra, associate professor in the Civil Engineering Department, included Amar Deep Tiwari, Saran Aadhar and Reepal Shah of the same department, Mu Xiao and Dennis Lettenmaier of the Department of Geography in the University of California, and DS Pai at the India Meteorological Department, Pune.

Based on publications and available records, the team studied the direct relation between soil moisture conditions and food shortages during the 12 major periods of famine in various parts of India between 1870 and 2016 and found that of the major occurrences before 1947, only the famine of 1943, when Winston Churchill was the British Prime Minister, could not be concluded to have been caused by monsoon failure.

“Famines had occurred earlier than 1943 also, but most of the time the then British government in India had taken some curative steps, for which some of the then rulers were criticised also by the subsequent British officers. But the 1943 famine was not caused by drought; it was the result of the total policy failure and lack of humane concern for the Indian sufferers,” Prof Mishra said. 

Based on the “severity-area-duration” analysis to gauge the severity of drought conditions, the team found that the severity of drought was more widespread in the second half of 1941 rather than in 1943. “This 1943 Bengal Famine appears to be the only famine that directly is not linked with soil moisture drought and crop failures but was caused by other factors,” the paper concluded.

Among the “other factors” causing the high mortality rate in 1943, when an estimated 20-30 lakh people perished, Prof Mishra said it was partly related to then ongoing Asian threat of World War II, including malaria, starvation and malnutrition.

In early 1943, military and political events had adversely affected Bengal’s economy, which was exacerbated by the continuous rush of refugees from Burma (now Myanmar). Additionally, wartime grain import restrictions imposed by the then British government also played a major role in large-scale deaths. But the most important factor was that ignoring the food shortage prevailing in the country then, the British government continued to impound a large quantity of grains for soldiers while the Indian civilians died.

In the previous drought conditions, the then British government had imported wheat from Burma to provide sustenance to the famine-hit in different parts of India, but the situation was reverse in 1943, Prof Mishra said.

According to Prof Mishra, a series of famines occurred between 1870 and 1943, killing well over 1 crore people in India but except the 1943 famine, the rest were caused by soil moisture drought due to shortage of rainfall, including three famines driven by Sea Surface Temperature anomalies known as El Nino effect in the tropical Pacific Ocean.

“The factors that helped avoiding famine-like conditions in independent India were absent during the British period,” he said. This included better ground water-based irrigation system, a public food distribution system through the ration shops and food buffer stocks and a better transportation system to carry supplies.  The study also expressed concern over the future of India in the light of the fast depleting groundwater level. “Our results showing linkage between drought and famines in India have implications for food and fresh water security in the region,” the researchers said.

Bengal Famine

  • An estimated 20-30 lakh people perished in 1943
  • But severity of drought was more widespread in the second half of 1941 than in 1943
  • Ignoring food shortage, British continued to impound a large quantity of grains for WW-II soldiers while Indian civilians died
  • In the previous drought conditions, British had imported wheat from Burma to provide sustenance to famine-hit in India

 


Of battles beyond the Line of Control

The uncomplicated reality is that the rivalry between Indians and Pakistanis arises not so much from being different, but from being similar

Of battles beyond the Line of Control

Theatrics: The Beating the Retreat at Wagah is hugely popular. PTI

Rahul Bedi

The fierce rivalry between India and Pakistan extends beyond incipient war, military stand-offs, cross-border terrorism, diplomatic demarches and all-round bellicosity to the daily life of people on both sides of the volatile border. It stretches beyond conducting tit-for-tat underground nuclear tests — Pakistan undertook six to India’s five in May 1998 — acquiring better materiel and battling military and political comeuppances, to competitiveness in everyday life.

Each country’s people claim to grow sweeter mangoes, melons and grapes than the other, produce better music, singers and television programmes, and even entertain and dress better and keep a more lavish table than those across the border.

Pakistanis are convinced — some believe with demonstrable justification — that their women are more attractive than their Indian counterparts, and their men folk are brimming with rakishness, charm and chutzpah. They also pride themselves with a keener sense of humour, higher intellect and finer sense of tehzeeb than most Indians. Both sides also believe their sporting prowess in cricket and hockey, which India and Pakistan had played with dexterity as one before Independence from colonial rule, is superior to the other. Cricket matches between the neighbours are particularly tense events, as the losing side faces the ire of millions of fans in either country, which, over years, has often turned nasty for the losing team returning home. The victorious cricketing or hockey side, on the other hand, is lauded and lavished with accolades and financial rewards for having bested the ‘enemy’.

The uncomplicated reality, however, is that the rivalry between Indians and Pakistanis arises not so much from being different, but from being similar. This, in turn, locks them into an unending competitive cycle to outdo one another in all spheres in order to feel superior.  However, one domain in which most Pakistanis willingly, but grudgingly concede to Indian supremacy is Bollywood.  They reluctantly acknowledge that Lollywood, Pakistan’s nascent film industry, based out of Lahore that gives it its name, is what it really is: a deprived Bollywood imitation.  But they reassure themselves by pointing out that, for decades, a majority of Bollywood icons have been Muslims like Dilip Kumar, Shah Rukh Khan, Salman Khan, Amjad Khan and Aamir Khan. Muslim Bollywood actresses like Katrina Kaif and Shabana Azmi, too, are household names in Pakistan.

The competitiveness between India and Pakistan, however, manifests itself daily like nothing else at Wagah, when impeccably turned out border guards lower their respective flags at the sunset. Specially trained Indian Border Security Force personnel, selected for their height, fierce moustaches and military bearing, and similarly recruited Pakistan Rangers try and outdo one another in starched uniforms, marching, pirouetting and screaming ear-splitting commands, as they go about their flag lowering.  The spectacular theatrics that take place in amphitheatre-like surroundings, backed by robust commentary and patriotic songs, are cheered by thousands of spectators on either side of the frontier. Over the years, these daily performances have become hugely popular and rated high on the tourist circuit.

After the border gates are closed at the sunset, Pakistanis and Indians, separated by a few hundred yards of no-man’s land, shout out to each other extolling the performance of their border guards as well as their overall superiority.  At times, this desire for one-upmanship reaches ridiculous, and often wily, but sardonic heights.

During the 2001 bilateral summit in Agra, former Pakistan President Pervez Musharraf was assigned, in keeping with protocol, an unusually tall Indian Air Force officer as his ceremonial aide de camp. The Indian motive was simple but crafty: it would compel the visiting leader, that too a soldier, to look up to the Indian military man.

In February the nuclear-armed neighbours, who have fought four wars since Independence, came close to another conflict after an Indian combat aircraft bombed an alleged Islamist groups training camp inside Pakistan. India was retaliating against the Jaish-e-Mohammad after it owned responsibility for the suicide bombing that killed over 40 paramilitary personnel in Pulwama a fortnight earlier. The Indian strike prompted a riposte from Pakistan, which led to a dogfight between the two air forces on February 27 over the Line of Control.

Expectedly, Delhi and Islamabad made competing claims regarding their military successes, categorically rubbishing the others assertions with disdain, each side rabidly convinced of their righteousness.


Army inducts indigenous Dhanush artillery guns

Army inducts indigenous Dhanush artillery guns

The Dhanush is a modified version of the Bofors gun. Twitter: Defence Spokesperson

Ajay Banerjee 

Tribune News Service 

New Delhi, April 8

The Army on Monday inducted the first batch of six Dhanush artillery guns. This comes close on the heels of induction of two separate types of foreign-origin artillery guns in the past six months.

The Dhanush, a modified version of the Bofors gun, was purchased in the 1980s. It had completed user trials in June 7 last year. The bulk production clearance (BPC) was okayed in February this year. Dhanush has a maximum effective range of 38 km. An on-board computer and electronic suite enable real-time targeting of moving and static targets.

Made at Ordnance Factory Board, the first six Dhanush guns were handed over to the Army at the Gun Carriage Factory (GCF) Jabalpur, Madhya Pradesh. The OFB will make 114 first indigenous 155mmX45 calibre guns. This is the first long-range artillery gun to be produced in India.

The gun is the outcome of design documents running into over 12,000 pages, which were given to India as part of the first phase of Transfer of Technology (ToT) under the Bofors gun deal inked in the late 1980s.

The Swedish Bofors company could not complete the ToT for the 155mm x 39mm calibre howitzer as the deal got embroiled in a major political row over alleged kickbacks. The OFB manufactured and supplied several components and spares to keep the Bofors howitzers operational in India, but could not make the gun.

Seven years ago, the Defence Acquisition Council had decided to look for artillery guns within the country and asked OFB to start manufacturing howitzers. In 2012, the manufacturing facility was inaugurated at the GCF.

Apart from the Dhanush, the other indigenous effort is Advance Towed Artillery Gun System (ATAGS) designed by the Defence Research and Development Organisation and manufactured by Tata and Bharat Forge. The MoD had sanctioned the ATAGS project in September 2012. A prototype was part of the Republic Day Parade in 2017.

In November last year, two types of foreign-origin guns were inducted at a ceremony at Deolali, Maharashtra. These are the M777 ultra-light howitzer (145 guns) produced by the BAE systems in the US and the self-propelled tracked gun K9 Vajra-T made under a joint venture between Larsen and Tourbo and South Korea’s Hanwha Techwin.

Under the Army’s Field Artillery Rationalisation Plan (FARP) formulated in 1999, the artillery plans to acquire a total of 2,820 guns of all types to replace obsolescent guns and to equip the new regiments that will form part of 17 Corps, the Mountain Strike Corps now under raising.


IAF scrambled 2 Sukhois as Pak jets came too close Pak drone, 4 F-16s seen along border in Khemkaran sector

IAF scrambled 2 Sukhois as Pak jets came too close

Photo for representation.

New Delhi, April 1

Tensions continue between India and Pakistan as the Indian Air Force on Monday scrambled two Sukhoi-30 fighter jets after sighting a Pakistani drone and a group of four F-16 fighter jets along the Indo-Pak border in the Khemkaran sector of Punjab.

Though sources confirmed the development, the IAF spokesperson refused to comment on the matter.

Sources said the Sukhoi-30 MKI jets were deployed soon after a Pakistani unmanned aerial vehicle (UAV) was seen hovering over the border, and the F-16s were close by.

The drone retreated to the Pakistani side after the Indian jets were scrambled. Both sides continue to have combat air patrols, testing each other’s nerves. UAVs of both countries have been noticed hovering in ‘enemy’ territory.

Post the Balakot airstrikes on February 26 and the air duel a day later, there have been a series of incidents of Pakistani drones coming close to the Indo-Pak border.

A UAV which intruded into Rajasthan’s Sriganganagar sector was shot down by the Army. Another drone was shot down in Bikaner sector. — T

 


Decoding the anti-satellite weapon test

R Ramachandran

R Ramachandran

The idea of an ASAT programme seems to have originated around 2008 soon after the first missile defence tests, when AK Antony was the Defence Minister. Apparently, following a preliminary meeting, a projection of around Rs 8,000 crore was made. The DRDO was then told that it should focus its efforts on moving from Agni-3 to Agni-5 rather than embarking on an altogether new and complex project especially when it did not have the essential seeker technology.

Decoding the anti-satellite weapon test

LETHAL: One of the critical technologies needed for acquiring ASAT capability is a ‘kinetic kill vehicle’ with a target homing device using an imaging infrared seeker.

R Ramachandran
Senior science writer

SECURING the country’s space assets is certainly important, and possessing anti-satellite (ASAT) capability may be arguably necessary for the purpose, but there is no immediate threat perception scenario, either by the Department of Space/ Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO) or the Services, which would warrant such an urgent test overriding all other priorities for the nation’s defence and space sectors.

One of the critical technologies needed for acquiring ASAT capability is a ‘kinetic kill vehicle’ with a target homing device using an imaging infrared (IIR) seeker. In a recent interview, VK Saraswat, former chief of the Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO), said though DRDO had the technical capability to develop this in 2012 itself, the then government had not given the go-ahead for the same.

 Infrared seekers use what is called Focal Plane Array (FPA) of IR-sensitive sensors. And the choice material for IR sensors covering the entire spectrum — long-wavelength IR (LWIR) to short-wavelength IR (SWIR) — is the ternary compound, mercury-cadmium-telluride (MCT). Binary compounds such as indium-antimonide, which are sensitive only to IR signatures in the limited middle-wavelength (MWIR) range, are sometimes considered good enough, but the signatures from the thermal environment around a spacecraft would peak in LWIR.

India’s quest for technologies for FPA and pure MCT is over two decades old, and till date the country does not have these technologies. This was stated by Saraswat himself in a lecture addressing a Pugwash gathering on February 3, 2017, at the Institute for Defence Studies and Analysis (IDSA).

“As far as IR seekers is [sic] concerned,” he said, “the FPA [technology] which was denied to us [due to MTCR] is now not denied… We are not producing FPAs in the country… we are buying those FPAs and the rest of the optics and everything is being done in the country. That is why the possibility of NAG IIR seeker being manufactured in the country [exists] today. But we still have to go a long way… we need many more seekers, we need… LWIR and MWIR [seekers]…”

“The fact remains that, even today,” he said answering a question from the audience, “the capability to make FPAs for thermal imaging and also for IR seekers… despite a lot of attempts by our country [is not there]… Like most of the cases when the country wants to venture into very highly complex technologies, you need to invest a huge amount… We had spent not even 10 per cent and as a result MCT, which is the basic element needed for making the FPA, could not be developed… [w]hen in 1995-96 there was a proposal after there was a little relaxation of MTCR (Missile Technology Control Regime), Sofradir of France was ready to give the FPA technology… Rs 95 crore at that time, the government was not willing to spend… Today it may be Rs 1,000 crore… In 2006, when I was chief controller [of R&D], we realised that with the kind of infrastructure and knowledge that we had even within the DRDO and academic institutions and others, we do not make MCT of that purity which is needed as the raw material for this… not even a gram of that material is available to us.”  This runs counter to the ‘DRDO’s capability’in 2012 itself that Saraswat claimed in his interview.

The idea of an ASAT programme seems to have originated around 2008 soon after the first missile defence tests, when AK Antony was the Defence Minister. Apparently, following a preliminary meeting piloted by Saraswat at the Research Centre Imarat, Hyderabad, in which former President APJ Abdul Kalam was also present, a projection of around Rs 8,000 crore was made. The DRDO was then told that it should focus its efforts on moving from Agni-3 to Agni-5 rather than embarking on an altogether new and complex project especially when it did not have the essential seeker technology.

When it was suggested that Sofradir or Israeli companies, such as Israel Aerospace Industries (IAI) and SemiConductor Devices (SCD), might supply the technology, a move to first acquire it before a full-fledged ASAT programme, with emphasis on collaborative development under the ambit of the Indo-Israel Management Council (I2MC), was mooted. Then DRDO chief M Natarajan had also got a sanction for about Rs 1,700 crore for that. Apparently, Sofradir, while willing to sell, was not even prepared to give FPA units for testing, let alone sharing the technology.

But nothing tangible seems to have resulted in terms of technology acquisition from Israel or France, especially on the MCT front, since then, either during Saraswat’s tenure or during those of his successors till February 2017 at least. According to DRDO sources, apparently towards the end of Saraswat’s immediate successor Avinash Chander’s term in 2015, a move was made to acquire a 1kx1k FPA, not of MCT but indium-antominide sensors, from SCD. And this was pursued by Chander’s successor Satheesh Reddy as well, but the idea was apparently finally dropped. Around the same time, off-the-shelf entire MCT-based seekers with 320×256 array — not FPAs alone that you integrate domestically with other elements — were apparently bought from Sofradir for Helina, the helicopter-version of the anti-tank missile NAG (similar  units have been purchased by ISRO also for its hyperspectral imagers). These events beg the question: How could a full-fledged ASAT project proposal have been made to then UPA government in 2012 for it to decline sanction when the DRDO did not have the technology for IR seekers?

It may be argued that, after the 2016 sanction for the project, within just two years of the Pugwash talk in February 2017, these technologies could have been developed as an Indo-Israeli project. But that would be a near impossibility, given the complexities involved in perfecting the weapon: integrating the other elements with the bought-out FPA, developing the complex image read-out algorithms, calibration of the device, simulation tests with the imager and final integration with the kill vehicle.

As sources within DRDO and ISRO conjecture, the likely scenario is that these off-the-shelf Sofradir seekers, in combination with the active radar seeker which DRDO makes, may have been used in the ASAT test. Alternatively, under the ambit of I2MC, an entire off-the-shelf MCT-based seeker may have been supplied by IAI. Of course, given that the test was conducted in the morning (11 am), a simple optical imager coupled with radar seeker could have also been used for homing.

 


Srinagar-Baramulla highway ban relaxed Curbs only on Sunday, review after May 6

Srinagar-Baramulla highway ban relaxed

Tribune News Service

Jammu, April 20

Amid the growing clamour against the “highway ban”, the Jammu and Kashmir government today limited the restrictions on movement of civilian traffic on the Srinagar-Baramulla highway to only Sundays.

It also announced a complete review of restrictions after the last phase of parliamentary elections in the state on May 6.

On April 3, the state had notified two dedicated days in a week — Sunday and Wednesday — exclusively for the movement of security forces’ convoys on the Jammu-Srinagar and Srinagar-Baramulla sections by enforcing a complete ban on civilian traffic from 4 am to 5 pm.

According to an official spokesperson, the government has once again reviewed the requirements of security forces, particularly in the light of successful conduct of elections in Baramulla and Jammu on April 11 and Srinagar and Kathua on April 18.

“There has been a large-scale movement of security forces on an unprecedented scale after the Pulwama terror attack on February 14. The forces were required both for anti-militancy operations and for conducting General Election peacefully. As the requirement is now reducing as they are de-inducted, the government has decided to partially relax the traffic restrictions,” the spokesperson said.

The restrictions would continue between Srinagar and Udhampur as earlier.

“However, these would be reviewed periodically and relaxation allowed as the need for restriction reduces,” the spokesperson added.

The High Court has sought a detailed report from the government on the restrictions while hearing a bunch of petitions.

Wednesday off list

The curbs on civilian movement between Srinagar and Baramulla highway would now be limited only to Sundays from April 22. There would be no prohibition on civilian traffic on Wednesday. Govt spokesperson