Sanjha Morcha

In last India-Pakistan border village: Can’t forget Pulwama, but war leaves lifelong scars

With India-Pakistan tensions running high since a Jaish-e-Mohammad suicide bomber killed 40 CRPF personnel in Pulwama, the whole village of Mohar Jamsher — the last on the India-Pak border in Fazilka, Punjab — has been on high alert.

In last India-Pakistan border village: Can’t forget Pulwama, but war leaves lifelong scars

Gurdas Singh (front) with his brothers. (Express photo: Gurmeet Singh)

Since the Pulwama terror attack on February 14, Makhan Singh hasn’t had a full night’s sleep. His eyes and ears are fixed across the border and even his son’s wedding solemnised three days ago, didn’t weaken his vigil.

He is not the only one. With India-Pakistan tensions running high since a Jaish-e-Mohammad suicide bomber killed 40 CRPF personnel in Pulwama, the whole village of Mohar Jamsher — the last on the India-Pak border in Fazilka, Punjab — has been on high alert.

Watch | What is Jaish-e-Mohammed, the terror group that attacked the CRPF convoy

And with good reason. For, every time there is disquiet on the border, they pay a price. The last was in October 2016, after the surgical strikes, when they were asked to leave their homes and moved to a safe location.

Also Read | Across the aisle: Grief, anger but no wisdom

Surrounded by Pakistan on three sides and the Sutlej river on the fourth, Mohar Jamsher’s 1,500 residents have two choices to enter Punjab — row across the river or cross a high-security bridge. There is a BSF post at the entrance of the village, where every visitor is questioned before being allowed in.s sabre rattling between India and Pakistan intensifies, the destruction caused by the wars of 1965 and 1971 is still fresh in the minds of locals and over the last few days, the movement across the border has been of immense interest to all in Mohar Jamsher. On Saturday, women in the village were seen storing leftover dry rations while most men discussed Pakistan.

Sitting in his house, which is the closest to the barb wire fenced border, Makhan Singh is always tuned in to the loudspeaker on the other side. “That yellow building visible from our fields is their mosque and the green one is the Pakistan check post. These days, we are extra careful. We listen to the loudspeaker carefully to determine if it is azan or some other message after we heard of Pakistan Prime Minister Imran Khan’s threatening message.”

 

The brothers say even though there were two weddings in the village on February 20 and 21, people were busy discussing the possibility of war. And only a few houses are pucca, most are temporary. “We live on the border and have left our homes four times in the past. You never know when we will be asked to do the same yet again, so no one invests much money on houses,” said Hansa Singh.

Hansa was a teenager when the 1971 war broke out. “Our entire family shifted to relief camps except me and my father as we had to take care of cattle. I remember hearing a loud noise. I thought it was a cracker but soon the Army came and told us `Jung shuru ho gayi hai (war has begun).”

Next to Mohar Jamsher is Mohar Kheewa, from where the border and Pakistan check posts are seen even more clearly. Khushaal Singh (76) said, “Although all seems to be well, looking at TV debates and social media posts, it seems the whole country is ready for war. The Pulwama attack cannot be forgotten but we still have harsh memories of the 1965, 1971 and Kargil war with Pakistan when we had to flee and start life from scratch, each time after a gap of 18 to 24 months.”

According to Kushaal, in 1971, 28 villages of Fazilka were overrun by Pakistan including Mohar Kheewa. Then, they were given Rs 500 per acre per year as compensation for about two years. “When we got our villages back after about 18 months there were landmines in the fields. They were taken out by the Army but it was difficult to farm after such a gap. It was the same story in 1965 and 1999. War leads to destruction and nothing else,” he said.

Also Read | Inside Track: Pulwama and after

Gurdas Singh, in his late sixties of Mohar Jamsher village, has a word of caution. “Going by history, Pakistan attacked us first always. This is an age of nuclear weapons. So, damage to India will be more. Pakistan is far behind us. I wish there could be a solution without war.”

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All farming is done under strict BSF security between 10 am and 4 pm. He said: “We do see Pakistanis also farming on the other side. Our side is more green than theirs. At times some try to talk to us and wave saying `Sat Sri Akal’ but we never respond. In the 1960s people used to talk to each other freely. Times have changed. We don’t exchange a word now for we don’t want to be mistaken for a spy.”


Here’s how you can donate to families of martyred CRPF jawans

Here's how you can donate to families of martyred CRPF jawans

Family members pay salute to slain CRPF jawan Sukhjinder Singh, at his residence before his funeral in Gandiwind village of Tarn Taran district on Saturday, February 16, 2019. PTI

Tribune News Service
New Delhi, Febraury 16 

Those who want to contribute voluntarily to the families of CRPF jawans martyred in Pulwama terror attack can do so on the official website of ‘Bharat Ke Veer’.

This fund is managed by a committee comprising Director Generals of Central Armed Paramilitary Forces  (CAPFs) under the aegis of the Ministry of Home Affairs.

‘Bharat Ke Veer’ is a trust into which public can contribute voluntarily to support families of martyrs of CAPFs — BSF, CRPF, CISF, ITBP, NDRF, NSG, SSB and Assam Rifles, the MHA said.

Expressing gratitude for the support, MHA said, “During the last few days there has been a tremendous response from people wanting to contribute through the website : bharatkeveer.gov.in.”

However, due to heavy traffic, sometimes a slowdown is reported in accessing  the website, it added.  

“It is also reported that some unscrupulous elements are soliciting contributions from people through other accounts. It is advised that people desirous of supporting families of martyrs of CAPFs should only contribute through the website — bharatkeveer.gov.in,” the Ministry of Home Affairs said.

 


Kangra CRPF man among J-K martyrs

Shimla, February 14

A CRPF jawan, Tilak Raj, hailing from the Jawali area of Kangra, was among those killed in the militant attack in Srinagar. The 30-year-old, hailing from Dhewa village, is survived by his wife Savitri Devi.

Chief Minister Jai Ram Thakur has deputed Civil Supplies Minister Kishan Kapoor and Jawali MLA Arjun to be with the family in this hour of grief.

The Chief Minister said that those involved in this incident would not go unpunished. He also prayed to the Almighty to give peace to the departed souls and strength to the bereaved families to bear this irreparable loss. — T


Suicide bombs a signature move of Jaish-e-Mohammad

NEW DELHI: Masood Azhar, the head of Jaish-e-Mohammad (JeM), responsible for the attack on the CRPF convoy, has had India in his sights for nearly three decades. He formed the terror organisation within a few months of his release at Kandahar on December 31, 1999. Azhar was flown to freedom in a special plane in exchange for the passengers on board an Indian passenger plane hijacked from Nepal.

REUTERS■ Soldiers examine the debris after a terrorist attacked a CRPF convoy in Pulwama on Thursday.

Azhar made his presence felt within a few months. On 20 April 2000, the JeM carried out the first suicide bombing in Kashmir, exploding a bomb in an Indian army barracks, killing five soldiers. Azhar, in fact, is the father of fidayeen attacks, and he has the dubious distinction of introducing them in the Valley where the gun first surfaced in 1989.

The second suicide attack was even bigger. On October 1, 2001, three Jaish militants carried out an attack on the Jammu and Kashmir state legislative assembly in Srinagar, using a Tata Sumo loaded with explosives. As many as 38 people were killed in an attack that shook the security establishment. Then too, the terror group claimed responsibility and named a Pakistani national Wajahat Hussain as the suicide bomber. In Thursday’s attack, Jaish named a local, home grown militant, who is believed to have rammed an explosive-laden vehicle into the CRPF convoy carrying as many as 2500 personnel.

The last big attack – the Jaish did not openly claim responsibility for this – was on the air force base in Pathankot in 2016. Phone calls made by the suicide bombers who infiltrated the high-security zone were tracked to the Jaish headquarter in Bahawalpur. The Narendra Modi government allowed a joint investigation team from Pakistan to visit Pathankot but according to the Dawn newspaper, the team concluded that India itself had staged the attack. The Pathankot attack led to cancellation of India-Pakistan talks and the two countries have had no formal engagement since.

Azhar first landed in India in 1994 on a fake Portuguese passport and few know that Srinagar was not the city he first went to. He chose Lucknow as his first stop after landing at Delhi’s international airport on January 29, 1994. Reaching Ayodhya was far more important because , according to his interrogation report, the demolition of the Babri Masjid was the spark that ignited his desire for jihad.

Protected by the deep state in Pakistan, Azhar is considered a big asset, who has escaped being proscribed by the United Nations Security Council because China has continually blocked moves to declare him a global terrorist. His terror group is also suspected to be behind the attack on an army camp in Uri that killed 19 army soldiers in 2016. The government retaliated through multiple surgical strikes across the line of control.


It was doomsday in Lethpora’

Suhail A Shah

Anantnag, February 14

Locals and eyewitnesses in the Lethpora area of Pulwama where the suicide car bomb left 39 CRPF personnel dead described the scenes at the place as those of “doomsday”.

“There are no other words than to describe it a doomsday. It was terrifying and gut-wrenching,” a local said.

The car bomb rocked the area, 27 km from Srinagar, at about 3.15 pm. The explosion was so powerful that even some people in Srinagar heard it.

The explosion took place in between the lines of the newly constructed saffron shops along the National Highway No. 44.

People in Lethpora said they felt that the sky was falling on their heads.

“Our house rocked as if a high-intensity earthquake had hit Kashmir valley. The noise was deafening,” Zafar Ahmad, a resident, said.

People only understood it was an attack when the explosion was followed by gunshots that reverberated in the area for about five minutes.

“Then came the CRPF men, who were part of the convoy, running towards our houses. Many of them took refuge in our houses and also kept firing shots as they heard guns roaring around them,” a resident said.

Shopkeepers in the area said it was mayhem. As the blast rocked the area, people ran for cover, wailing and crying.

But the nightmare was not over for them.

“As guns stopped roaring and we peeked outside, we could see scattered body parts lying around with the damaged parts of the vehicles that were hit by the explosion,” one of the shopkeepers, Abdul Karim, said

He described the scenes as horrible and gruesome.

“I don’t think anyone in Lethpora can sleep or eat tonight. It has shaken us badly,” another shopkeeper said.

The security forces immediately blocked traffic movement on the NH-44 and diverted vehicles to “safer” bypasses. Even scribes trying to reach the spot were not allowed to go the place.

Blast heard in Srinagar

  • The explosion was so powerful that even some people in Srinagar, 27 km away, heard it.

 


Army Major dies in avalanche in Sikkim

Ajay Banerjee
Tribune News Service
New Delhi, February 11

Major Nishant  Dogra of the Indian Army was killed in a sudden snow slide at Yongdi in North Sikkim.

Major Dogra was with his battalion at a high-altitude posting. He was inside his make-shift accommodation when the snow slide carried away the entire accommodation on February 9.

The Major, who is from an armoured unit, was found very seriously injured under mounds of snow late that night. Weather conditions prevented an immediate evacuation.

He died on Sunday. Army authorities in Delhi have confirmed the death. The Major’s family originally hails from Jammu, and is now in Delhi.


Pak violates truce in Poonch

Pak violates truce in Poonch

Locals look at a part of mortar shell that landed near their house at Bera in Poonch on Tuesday.

Tribune News Service

Jammu, February 5

The Pakistani army on Tuesday violated the ceasefire agreement in the Krishna Ghati sector along the Line of Control (LoC) in Poonch district.

Pakistani troops resorted to unprovoked truce violation around 10:30 am on Tuesday.

A defence spokesperson said: “About 10:30 am, Pakistan initiated unprovoked ceasefire violation along the LoC by firing two shells of rocket launchers in the Krishna Ghati sector.” Pakistan has been violating the truce agreement continuously.

Narrow escape for family

A family in a forward hamlet in Poonch district had a narrow escape on Tuesday when a mortar shell fired from across the LoC landed in front of their house in Bera hamlet in Jhalas general area around 11 am.

According to the family of one Krishan Lal Sharma, two mortar shells fired from across the LoC fell in their hamlet around 11 am.

“One shell fell near the livestock shed in the vicinity of our house. We had a narrow escape because due to harsh winter all family members and cattle were indoors,” said a member of Sharma’s family.

He said it was after a long time that the Pakistan army had targeted their area. Earlier, stray shells had hit their hamlet. The Indian Army has retaliated strongly and effectively while no injury or damage was reported.

 


Give peace a chance, Imran Khan tells PM Modi

Recalling his conversation with Khan during a congratulatory call after he became Pakistan’s premier, Modi said he told him “let us fight against poverty and illiteracy” and Khan gave his word – saying he is a Pathan’s son – but went back on it.

india-pakistan relations, indo pak ties, india pakistan bilateral relations, narendra modi imran khan, India PM Modi, Imran Khan pakistan, indo-pak relations, india news, latest news, indian express columns, indian express

Prime Minister Narendra Modi with his Pakistani counterpart Imran Khan in New Delhi. (File)

Pakistan Prime Minister Imran Khan on Sunday asked his Indian counterpart, Narendra Modi, to “give peace a chance” and assured him that he “stands by” his words and will “immediately act” if New Delhi provides Islamabad with “actionable intelligence” on the Pulwama terror attack.

On February 19, Khan had assured India that he would act against the perpetrators of the Pulwama terror attack if it shares “actionable intelligence” with Islamabad but warned New Delhi against launching any “revenge” retaliatory action.

India said Khan’s offer to investigate the attack if provided proof is a “lame excuse”. “It is a well-known fact that Jaish-e-Mohammad and its leader Masood Azhar are based in Pakistan. These should be sufficient proof for Pakistan to take action,” the Ministry of External Affairs said.

“The Prime Minister of Pakistan has offered to investigate the matter if India provides proof. This is a lame excuse. In the horrific attack in Mumbai on 26/11, proof was provided to Pakistan. Despite this, the case has not progressed for the last more than 10 years. Likewise, on the terror attack on Pathankot airbase, there has been no progress. Promises of ‘guaranteed action’ ring hollow given the track record of Pakistan,” it said.

Last week, China, which has doggedly blocked the listing of JeM chief Masood Azahar as a “global terrorist”, has signed off on a United Nations Security Council (UNSC) statement that “condemned in the strongest terms” the Pulwama terror attack and named Pakistan-based Jaish-e-Mohammad for the “heinous and cowardly suicide bombing”.


Military strategic challenges in India’s relationship with Pakistan By Daily Excelsior -by Lt Gen Syed Ata Hasnain (Retd)

Foreign policy and military strategy are often considered the two main prongs of external security. Both mutually drive each other particularly when it comes to dealing with an irksome and none too friendly neighbor such as Pakistan. India-Pakistan relations and the challenges therein are therefore largely dependent on foreign policy factors and military strategic issues which are ever prevalent in dealing with Pakistan. India has always to be mindful that Pakistan’s foreign and security policy is controlled by the Pakistan Army and much of the attitude that Pakistan exudes comes from its ‘deeper than the ocean, higher than the sky’ relationship with China. Regionally, its dynamic role in Afghanistan and the uncertain warm and cold relationship it enjoys with the US are themselves major challenges for India. Pakistan’s current economic insecurity drives it to even greater dependence on China and some Islamic countries and has potential of creating large scale internal turbulence. The security of its nuclear assets and its readiness to threaten India with the nuclear option remain areas of concern in our security considerations. Most of all Pakistan’s continuance of the proxy war in J&K without any let up and its propensity towards finding novel ways of keeping India on the defensive is often seen as one of India’s main security challenges.
Pakistan’s strategic aim while executing its India policy is primarily to prevent India achieving its aspirations/ambitions as a nation. It hurts Pakistan to see India progress and achieve respect in the world. In addition, retribution against India for the humiliating military defeat in 1971 and the loss of erstwhile East Pakistan drives its psyche. Keeping India militarily and diplomatically imbalanced and thus creating the conditions to integrate J&K to Pakistan remains one of its prime aims against India.
In order to execute its strategy to achieve its India specific aim it works constantly to prevent decisive military asymmetry in India’s favor. With a population one sixth that of India it maintains an army that is as much as half the size of India’s army. Colluding with China to pose a two front threat to India it is hopeful that in the event of a military standoff it will be able to divide Indian military deployment sufficiently to achieve a degree of advantage in force ratios on the Indo-Pak border and perhaps even in the hinterland areas of J&K. It has created a bogey of first strike in nuclear domain if threatened even conventionally, through a declared nuclear doctrine and actively uses the nuclear card to pose psychological threats. Psychological warfare is its forte to cause dissension, being fully aware of India’s vulnerable fault lines extending into faith, caste, linguistic, regional and ethnic domains. As a doctrinal guideline it prepares itself and remains ready to respond in the conventional conflict domain but employs 4th generation warfare to fight proxy war in J&K and elsewhere. It needs to be especially recognized that Pakistan has constantly managed risk and has mostly avoided crossing the threshold of India’s tolerance although it has made major mistakes as in the case of the Mumbai, Pathankot and Uri terror attacks.
Through the adoption and execution of its strategy against India, Pakistan appears to believe that it has foreclosed all options of Indian response. This belief is reinforced by the introduction of tactical nuclear weapons (TNWs) in its nuclear arsenal and continued projection that it will employ these as first strike against any Indian adventurism across the border. For Pakistan pro-active, full spectrum or limited war, none is to its advantage. Only proxy 4th generation war employing irregular proxies gives it an asymmetrical advantage. This combined with many other domains of non-contact warfare forms the hybrid war effort that Pakistan has been indulging in for the last three decades.
India has a range of response options against Pakistan. High end conventional war cannot be totally ruled out although in today’s international security environment it is a reluctant military concept with most nations. While China may be Pakistan’s trusted friend and ally and it may have its differences with India too there are enough mitigating factors prevalent to ensure that China will only assist Pakistan psychologically through projected border threats at the Sino-Indian border. China’s volume of trade with India, maritime vulnerability in the Indian Ocean through which its economy is sustained and the standing in the international community would constrain China from extending all out military support to Pakistan. The purpose of a potential Doklam 2.0 and beyond would be to psychologically bar India from raising its aspirations beyond a threshold from where it could pose a threat to China. If China was to consciously and proactively engage India in conflict Pakistan could be expected to also militarily engage India to support the Chinese and possibly at nearly full conventional level. This could be something akin to a worst case scenario for India but is not expected to present itself. The feasibility of China militarily engaging India on the northern and eastern borders in the event of limited Indo-Pakistan conflict appears even more remote but psychological warfare and posturing could well be options China would play out in support of its strategic partner.
There is no doubt that by doctrinally adopting the first strike nuclear option Pakistan has deterred India to some extent, in the conventional conflict domain. Doctrinally India has had to limit its earlier ambitions of a resounding victory in the conventional conflict domain. However, the limitation that India has had to adopt has also given rise to a proactive strategy in complete contrast to its earlier responsive doctrine. The proactive strategy could well be incident based (to Pakistan sponsored large scale terror strikes) or simply punitive strikes in response to the cumulative effect of a series of smaller Pakistan sponsored strikes.
Analysts have argued in favour of India’s proactive strategy with limited shallow objectives within the window of a nuclear threshold. Dr Nishank Motwani, writing in The Diplomat in Oct 2018, concludes “that small but significant shifts in Indian and Pakistani strategic thinking point to the viability of a limited conventional war under a nuclear threshold”. Indian Army Chief, General Bipin Rawat recently stated “that India would not be restrained from responding to Pakistani aggression and questioned Islamabad’s red lines for nuclear first use”. This was in response to a prevailing broad understanding that Pakistan would employ its TNWs against Indian Integrated Battle Groups (IBGs) at the very outset of a possible Indian limited response. The Indian thinking now revolves around the flexibility that India has chosen to project about its own second strike which could be of the magnitude of massive nuclear response to Pakistan’s employment of TNWs. A level of deterrence against early use of the nuclear option by Pakistan may have been achieved by India making known its intent.
There is an option that exists for India in the form of limited strikes across the LoC in J&K only. This must not be confused with the surgical strikes of Sep 2016 which were never aimed at achieving deterrence but only partial retribution against terrorists. These could be calibrated higher through strikes by Special Forces against Pakistan Army deployment which aids and abets terrorist infiltration. An even higher Indian calibration to progressively mount a series of strikes against selected Pakistan Army deployment could well draw limited Pakistani response. A limited war under such circumstances could well ensue within the nuclear threshold with a decided Indian advantage through the retention of the option to extend the conflict to the international border; something Pakistan would prefer to avoid.
It can be seen that potential military standoff between India and Pakistan is characterized by an ever increasing specter of uncertainty and complexity in which an erroneous assumption could spin the conflict in an uncontrollable direction. From a military strategic point of view this is an ever increasing challenge for the Indian Armed Forces stymied as they are by the non-availability of budgetary support for their optimization to face the increasing complexity of threats.
(This is an essay based upon the speech by the author at the recent seminar of Central University of Jammu on Strategic Challenges in India Pakistan Relations)
feedbackexcelsior@gmail.com

 


Maj from Doon dies in Rajouri IED explosion

Maj from Doon dies in Rajouri IED explosion

Major Chitresh Singh Bisht

Shyam Sood

Rajouri, February 16

Major Chitresh Singh Bisht, 31, was killed while defusing an improvised explosive device (IED) in Jhangar area of Rajouri district in Nowshera sector today.   He belonged to Dehradun. Sources said his marriage was fixed for March 7.

Sources said four IEDs were detected deep inside the Indian territory. “A team headed by Major Bisht was called. One of the IEDs was neutralised but another got activated. The Major suffered grievous injuries and died,” said defence spokesperson Lt Col Devender Anand.

Major SG Naik and Rifleman Jeevan Gurung were killed in two IED blasts in the same area on January 11. In another incident, Havildar Jagdev Singh was injured in Runglidhar, Babakhori area, also in the Nowshera sector, reportedly in sniper fire across the Line of Control.

With the situation tense following the fidayeen attack on a CRPF convoy in Pulwama on Thursday, “exchange of heavy mortar shelling can’t be ruled out in the coming days”, sources said.