Tribune News Service

Jammu, October 18

Lt Gen Paramjit Singh, General Officer Commanding, White Knight Corps, visited the Surankote sector and the Counter Insurgency Force (Romeo) at Palma on Thursday.

During the visit to the Counter Insurgency Force headquarters, The General was briefed on the prevailing the security situation and the conduct of the recently held urban local bodies elections in the region and the forthcoming panchayat polls.

He was also briefed on the actions being taken to ensure a robust counter-terrorist grid to enable continued peace and stability in the region.

The General complimented the troops for ensuring the situation remains stable and lauded the local population, especially the Gujjar abd Bakerwal community, for their support in bringing peace to the region. He appreciated the civil administration and other security forces for their synergised efforts, which resulted in the successful conduct of the urban local bodies elections.

The General also interacted with soldiers and complimented them for displaying high standard of professionalism. He was appreciative of the measures and the standard operating procedures instituted by the units and formations in their area of responsibility and for the conduct of operations without causing inconvenience to the locals.

Dassault denied the allegation, saying the reference in the document was to the obligation to make offset investments in India and not the compulsion to get into a joint venture with Anil Ambani’s firm.

PARIS: 

Images of two trade union documents put up by the French blog Portail Aviation may add fodder to the political wrangling over the deal for 36 Rafale jets sealed by Prime Minister Narendra Modi with the French in 2016.

The images are of documents published by two unions of Rafale-maker Dassault – the CFDT and CGT. These are minutes of a meeting held on May 11 2017, in which the number 2 of Dassault Aviation, Loik Segalenn, is talking about the joint venture with Anil Ambani’s Reliance Defence.

The CGT statement says, “…a complete presentation of ‘Make in India’ with the creation of the enterprise ‘Dassault Reliance Aerospace’ at Nagpur was done for us”.

The blog does not interpret the documents and leaves it to readers to conclude whether or not Reliance was imposed on the French as a partner as a condition for the deal.

The CFDT’s document was mentioned earlier in a report by the French publication Mediapart just after former French President Francois Hollande’s explosive statement that France had no choice when it came to selecting Anil Ambani and his rookie company as offset partner for Dassault. According to Mediapart, an internal document of Dassault confirmed Mr Hollande’s statement.

Dassault denied the allegation, saying the reference in the document was to the obligation to make offset investments in India and not the compulsion to get into a joint venture with Anil Ambani’s Reliance Defence.

Details of the meeting appear to present a different picture.

The CGT statement says, “…a complete presentation of ‘Make in India’ with the creation of the enterprise ‘Dassault Reliance Aerospace’ at Nagpur was done for us. According to Mr (Loik) Segalen it was imperative and obligatory for Dassault Aviation to accept this “contrepartie” in order to obtain the export contract Rafale India.” The French word used is “contrepartie”, which can mean “compensation” or could have the negative sense of a “trade off”.

The second union (CFDT’s) statement talks about ‘Make in India’ being “the inevitable consequence” of the deal “imposed” by India, and says a joint venture with Reliance was created to attain this objective.

It is evident that the statements are not talking only about the offset obligation but also about the joint venture with Reliance. Whether the Reliance partnership was mandatory are among the questions raised by the opposition in India as well as a section of the French media.

The Congress has accused the government of corruption and crony capitalism. The party had seized on French president Hollande’s comment to Mediapart last month to go hammer and tongs against the government, alleging that Anil Ambani’s company was imposed as a preferred partner on the French.

https://www.ndtv.com/video/news/news/on-rafale-deal-new-documents-point-to-anil-ambani-firm-as-essential-496550

Tribune News Service

Jalandhar, October 14

“Students of Sainik School, a pride of Punjab, have brought accolades to Punjab with their achievements. They shine like a star in country and abroad,” said Punjab Education Minister Om Prakash Soni, who presided over the award distribution ceremony of 57th annual athletics meet at Sainik School here.

The Education Minister said 1,100 military officers, including 50 Lieutenant Generals and Major Generals, have been serving the country after passing out from Sainik School. Congratulating the students, he said they were very fortunate to study in such prestigious institutions. “Students studying in such coveted institutions never fail in their life and definitely get higher posts in their career, he said.

After giving away prizes to the winners of the three-day athletics meet, Soni said they were the founders of future, hence they should work diligently and with full dedication to achieve their goals.

Cadets held a march past under the banner of their respective houses coupled with wonderful presentation of the world famous bands of school.

Political parties desire populist, quick and ostensibly spectacular results with an eye on elections. But what the ruling party wants is not what the army leadership should do.

Here’s a sobering thought to reflect upon as India celebrates the anniversary of the ‘surgical strikes’ in which the Indian Army’s special forces (SF) stealthily crossed the Line of Control (LoC) and neutralised a handful of terrorists who would have otherwise infiltrated into Jammu and Kashmir: the more the government politicises the army by using its sacrifices to further its electoral objectives, the more it erodes the the army’s potency, and hence its deterrent value.

The tragic part of this celebratory charade is that the army leadership appears complicit in its own emasculation. It needs to be understood that armies are never politicised, they follow command. It is the army leadership that gets politicised with adverse implications for war preparedness. It is, therefore, a truism that armies are as good as its leadership. So when the army leadership decides to support what the ruling political party wants, its missions – militarily – make less sense. For instance, army chief General Bipin Rawat’s recent call for another surgical strike was not his business; it is prerogative of the political leadership. He should worry about genuine strikes pivoted on preparedness, should the need arise.

Political parties desire populist, quick and ostensibly spectacular results with an eye on elections. But what the ruling party wants is not what the army leadership should do. Otherwise, (a) it demoralises its command since military outcomes are not what they should be, (b) the emphasis shifts away from modernisation, which is a sustained long-term goal, and (c) training for war takes a back-seat. The command ultimately loses respect for its leadership, leading to command break-down. Military leaders, therefore, should question and not blindly acquiesce to political opportunism.

Militarily, the September 29, 2016 strikes made little sense for three reasons. One, surgical strikes are the prerogative of the air force; the army, at best, conducts raids and hot pursuit. Surgical strikes – meant to influence the political and war-fighting levels by its shock and awe effect – are undertaken by the air force after certain preparations to contain a probable escalation. These include using aircraft to jam the enemy’s communication systems, and, by activation of own air defence capabilities, to cater for retaliation by the opposing air force. Given their its strategic effects, surgical strikes are always done by nations with political will and military preparedness. For example, after the 26/11 terror attacks in Mumbai, the Indian Air Force had suggested surgical strikes without crossing the Line of Control to the then government. After mulling for a few days, the government had rejected the suggestion.

Two, the strikes done by the army were not even raids, since they are done against legitimate military targets (in this case, the Pakistan Army) to minimise collateral damage. They were not even hot pursuit, which as the term denotes, is about chasing the enemy back into its own territory. They were what the then foreign secretary S. Jaishankar called them: “Target-specific, counter-terrorist operations (CI ops) across the Line of Control which the army had done in the past too, but this is the first time the government has gone public about it.” He said this to the Parliament Committee on Foreign Affairs.

Three, genuine strikes of this nature are always denied to keep the enemy in strategic suspense about the next move. In this case, India first informed Pakistan and then publicly declared that no more strikes were planned and that the mission was over. It was extraordinary for the army to admit operations by the Special Forces and to announce that there “were no plans for further continuation.” By doing so, India conceded its unpreparedness for – let alone war – even heightened tactical level engagements for fear of an escalation. The strikes were evidently not meant to be an army mission but a political one to create a perception of a first-of-its-kind spectacular operation.

The idea of surgical strikes came from the raids done by the Indian Army in Myanmar in June 2015 which had boosted Modi’s ‘macho’ image. This was confirmed by the then defence minister Manohar Parrikar, who said the preparations for the surgical strikes (in Pakistan occupied Kashmir) started 15 months ago when specialised equipment for SF was purchased from abroad.

On June 4, 2015, the Myanmar-based NSCN-K had ambushed an Indian Army convoy, killing 18 soldiers. The then 3 corps commander, Lieutenant General Bipin Rawat, after clearance from the Prime Minister’s office (PMO) and with support from the IAF (helicopters were kept on stand-by for extrication of Special Forces), conducted raids by SF at two militant sites inside Myanmar on June 10, killing around 100 terrorists. As the government of India publicly celebrated the successful raids inside Myanmar, projecting them as evidence of the Prime Minister’s political will and determination, the Myanmar Army decided to not react, even though the government mildly protested the violation of its sovereignty.

The Myanmar raids emboldened the Indian government to replicate the same model on the Pakistan border with better preparation and thought. This could be the perfect face-saver for the Modi government, which, given the unabated proxy war by Pakistan and the ever-increasing casualties, was having difficulty in maintaining its ‘tough’ image. Since Lieutenant General Rawat had demonstrated his expertise by planning and executing the Myanmar raids, and given his extraordinarily long innings in Kashmir doing counter-insurgency operations (CI ops), he had to be brought to the South Block, perhaps as the vice-chief of army staff (VCOAS) once the incumbent Lieutenant General M.M.S. Rai superannuated on July 31, 2016. This happened on September 1, with the post of VCOAS being vacant for a full month.

The opportunity to do a Myanmar on Pakistan came when terrorists struck at the army camp in Uri on September 18, 2016, killing 19 soldiers. Given the heightened sense of nationalism drummed up by the BJP, and with the coming elections in Uttar Pradesh, the government needed to showcase its muscularity against Pakistan without inviting war. The die was thus cast for the politically driven surgical strikes. Vice-chief Lieutenant General Rawat and northern army commander Lieutenant General D.S. Hooda were the key operational planners, while the Prime Minister, defence minister and the national security adviser were kept in the loop. Army chief General Dalbir Singh made notional, rather than any real, contribution to the task at hand.

Given the involvement of India’s topmost political and army leadership, two concerns were paramount: Pakistan should not retaliate, and no Indian soldier should be caught alive behind enemy lines since it would unravel the real plot. This necessitated extremely shallow penetrations on the Line of Control from where extrication was possible; not attacking Pakistan Army’s posts; finishing tactical-level operations as soon as possible; and informing the Pakistan Army soonest of what had been done in order to ensure that they did not commence counter attacks with troops-in-hand or troops’ build-up for an escalation. In short, pretend to do a major operation with minimal risks.

The military aim, as the director general military operations, Lieutenant General Ranbir Singh said in his official briefing, was to target “terrorist launch pads along the Line of Control”. Mind you, he said ‘along’ and not inside the LoC. With these instructions, SF assisted by local commandos (Ghatak platoons) for guidance and flank protection walked/ crawled up stealthily to seven terrorist launch-pads (which are temporary camps) situated about 700 metres (terrorist launch pads have since been moved in depth under direct protection of Pakistani posts) inside the LoC. The SF did to the terrorists what they had done to Indian soldiers in Uri base camp: they were attacked while asleep. While the exact casualty figures are anyone’s guess since no damage assessment means were employed (for fear of escalation), the big relief (admitted by Manohar Parrikar and Northern army commander, Lt Gen. D. S. Hooda) was the safe return of Indian soldiers.

It was time to draw political mileage by perception management. The electronic media went hysterical with buffoonery showing graphics of soldiers para-dropping on Pakistani soil, and by wargaming military balance of India and Pakistan. They have been willy-nilly assisted by chosen generals. According to Lieutenant General Hooda, “The surgical strikes in some way shattered the glass ceiling. The Special Forces have gained tremendous confidence in their ability to execute a complex operation in very hostile territory.” He said on another occasion, “We proved that we were capable of crossing the heavily guarded Line of Control and strike at multiple points.”

To recall, in the 90s, well before the Indian Army erected the Maginot Line (which represents a defensive mindset) in the form of the fence on the LoC in July 2004, regular army commandos rather than Special Forces, used to frequently breach the so-called glass ceiling. Raids (which are much more than targeting terrorists) on Pakistani posts, killing of its soldiers by surprise attacks and artillery firing were so commonplace that long silence by one side was reason for the other to worry. Moreover, except from 2005 to 2007, when back-channel talks were going on between India and Pakistan, cross-LoC raids were commonplace, and officers were commended for bravery. All this was, of course, done away from the media glare since that is the nature of covert actions.

The opposite seems to be happening at present. After the recent mutilation of a Border Security Force soldier’s body by terrorists, the army chief said, “We need to take stern action to avenge the barbarism that terrorists and the Pakistan Army have been carrying out.” But he did not explain how this would be done. One cannot help but recall wistfully how another chief at another time had chosen to focus on war preparedness instead of allowing him to be used for political sabre-rattling.

At the height of the refugee influx into India from East Pakistan in March 1971, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi had, in the presence of senior cabinet members, told General Sam Manekshaw that training the Mukti Bahini would not be enough and that it was time to use force. He refused. While offering to resign, the army chief (who was also the chairman, Chiefs of Staff Committee) told the disbelieving Prime Minister that he needed six months of war-preparedness and opportune timing for victory. The rest is history.

In terms of military decorations, General Manekshaw was a mere Military Cross. General Rawat is bursting with decorations from UYSM, AVSM, YSM to SM and VSM. Can General Rawat tell Prime Minister Modi that his army needs to give-up CI ops (which, after 28 years, are giving diminishing results) and focus on war-preparedness to deter Pakistan’s proxy war?

The writer is editor, Force newsmagazine.

The government said such details would be covered under the Official Secrets Act. Tribune photo

Tribune News Service
New Delhi, October 31

The Supreme Court on Wednesday asked the Centre to file an affidavit within 10 days saying that the pricing in the Rafale fighter jet deal between India and France is exclusive and could not be shared with the court.

A bench comprising Chief Justice Ranjan Gogoi and Justices UU Lalit and KM Joseph also asked the Centre to share information which could be brought in the public domain with the petitioners.

The top court, which has now fixed the matter for hearing on November 14, said documents considered confidential might not be shared.

Earlier, the SC sought pricing and other details from the Centre, asking it to submit them in a sealed cover in 10 days.

The government said such details would be covered under the Official Secrets Act. Attorney Genenral KK Venugopal told the Bench that it was not possible to share the said details. With PTI

His name figures next only to that of Lance Naik Lala Ram, the first recipient of Victoria Cross

Col Dilbag Dabas (Retd)

The state of Himachal has two very unique distinctions to its credit —  the first Param Vir Chakra awardee of independent India Major Somnath Sharma was from the state; and the first pair from the same battalion, earning for themselves the highest gallantry award in the same war, was composed of Capt Vikram Batra (referred to as Sher Shah by the enemy in the intercepted messages of Pakistan army) and Rifleman Sanjay Kumar, both Himachalis.

And, if the state-wise list of gallantry awards is any indicator, Himachal Pradesh with a population of just about 1.5 per cent of the Indian total is way ahead than other states in demonstrating valour by its soldiers.

In the roll of honour of the Himachali bravehearts, the name of Bhandari Ram figures next only to that of Lance Naik Lala Ram, the first recipient of the Victoria Cross, nurtured by the Himachali soil.

Bhandari Ram was born on July 24, 1919, in Serva Geharwin village in the then Bilaspur state, now Bilaspur district of Himachal Pradesh. For Himachali Dogras, soldiering is not just another profession, but a calling. At 22, Bhandari enlisted in 16th Battalion of 10th Baluch Regiment with a class composition of two third of Baluchi Musalmans from North West Frontier and one third Dogra Brahmins from the present day Himachal.

During the third Arakan offensive by the allied troops in Burma campaign in World War-II, 16th Baluch under command 51 Indian Brigade was tasked to clear the route into north-western Arakan through the Mayu hills. As a prelude to the accomplishment of the task, a number of small operations and raids were carried out to soften up the Japanese defenses before launching attack by a larger force. In one such operation, for his cool courage, strong determination and utmost devotion to duty, Sepoy Bhandari Ram was awarded the Victoria Cross.

After independence, the 10th Baluch Regiment was allotted to Pakistan and Sepoy Bhandari Ram and his colleagues were absorbed in the newly raised 8th Battalion of Dogra Regiment of the Indian Army.

Sepoy Bhandari Ram, the battle hardened Dogra of World War-II fame displayed his tenacity three years later during the first India-Pakistan war in 1947-48, wherein he fought against his former Baluch colleagues in Jammu and Kashmir and did not let them succeed in their evil designs of annexing the Indian territory.

Bhandari Ram retired from service as Honorary Captain in 1969 after a distinguished military career spanning almost three decades, having participated in Burma Campaign (1944) and in three wars i.e. 1947-48 India-Pak, 1962 Sino-India, and 1965 Indo-Pak war. Hony Capt Bhandari Ram, VC, an ardent admirer of Lal Bahadur Shastri, passionately believed in the creed of the two noblest professions, namely the Jawan and the Kisan, almost in equal measure and did farming until ill-health prevented him from working in fields.

On May 19, 2002, this gallant Dogra breathed his last in his native village. His mortal remains were cremated with full military honours in the presence of many high-ranking serving and retired defence officers and a representative of the British High Commission.

(The writer is a veteran Gunner, 6 Field Regiment)

Battle account of his valour

The battle account of his valour recorded in the War Diary of his battalion and corroborated by the book ‘For Valour’ written by British historian Bryan Perrett reads: “On November 22, 1944, during an attack on a strongly held Japanese position in Mayu hills in Burma, Sepoy Bhandari Ram was with the leading section of his platoon. When the leading elements were within 50 yards of the objective, they were pinned down by accurate fire from a light machine gun, in which Bhandari got a burst of fire on his left shoulder and was also wounded in his leg. Bhandari did not give up and in full view of the enemy and under menacing fire kept crawling up to the machine gun bunker. Even the enemy’s grenade splinters and bullets did not deter him from his resolve to silence the machine gun. In spite of the grave danger he faced, he crawled up to within five yards of the bunker and lobbed a grenade killing the crew of two gunners. He then crawled back to his section and joined the successful dash on to the objective. As a true soldier, and a Dogra at that, he got his wounds dressed only after the objective was finally captured. The gallant action of Sepoy Bhandari Ram was a desperate individual effort to overcome enemy opposition at a crucial moment in the battle – a moment which nearly cost him his life”.

Rajendra Singh. File photo

Srinagar, October 26

An Army jawan, who was injured in a stone-pelting incident in Anantnag district on Thursday, succumbed to his injuries on Friday.

The jawan has been identified as Rajendra Singh from Uttarakhand.

“Sepoy Rajendra Singh was part of a quick reaction team which was providing security to a Border Roads Organisation (BRO) convoy on Thursday. At around 1800 hrs, when the convoy was passing through the Anantnag bypass tri-junction near NH-44, few youths hurled stones at the vehicle and Singh was injured after being hit by a stone directly on the head,” the Army official said.

He said Singh was provided immediate first aid and evacuated to 92 Base Hospital where the soldier succumbed to injuries.

A resident of Uttarakhand’s Badena village, Singh had joined the Army in 2016 and is survived by his parents.

The Army on Friday paid tributes to him and two other jawans—Lance Naik Brajesh Kumar, Sepoy Ngamsiamliana—who were killed in separate anti-militancy operations in Kashmir Valley.

“In a solemn ceremony at Badamibagh cantonment here, General Officer Commanding of Chinar Corps of the Army Lt Gen A K Bhatt and all ranks paid homage to the martyrs on behalf of a proud nation,” the official said.

Director-General of Jammu and Kashmir Police Dilbag Singh and representatives from various security agencies also joined in paying the last respects to the soldiers, he said.

Kumar (32) sustained splinter injuries during a fierce operation against militants in Baramulla district’s Sopore area on Friday. Two militants were also killed in the operation, the official said.

A native of Himachal Pradesh’s Nanawin village, Kumar had joined the Army in 2004. He is survived by his wife and a daughter, he added.

Ngamsiamliana was killed on Thursday during an attack on an Army camp in Luragam village of Tral in Pulwama district.

He hailed from village Rengtekawn in Mizoram and had joined the Army in 2013. He is survived by his parents, the official said.

“The mortal remains of the martyrs were flown for last rites to their native places, where they would be laid to rest with full military honours. In this hour of grief, the Army stands in solidarity with the families of the bravehearts and remains committed to their dignity and well being,” the official said. TNS/PTI

2 militants, jawan killed in encounter in Baramulla district of J&K

Tribune News Service
Srinagar, October 26

Two militants and an Army jawan were killed during an encounter between ultras and security forces in Sopore area of Baramulla district on Friday, officials said.

“Two terrorists have been killed in the Sopore operation,” Srinagar-based Defence Spokesman Col Rajesh Kalia said.

He said the identity and group affiliation of the slain ultras is being ascertained.

The defence spokesman said a soldier also lost his life in the gun battle.

Security forces launched a cordon and search operation at Pazalpora village of Dangiwacha Sopore in the north Kashmir district in the morning after receiving specific information about the presence of militants in the area.

The search operation turned into an encounter after the militants fired upon the search party of the forces, who retaliated.

The operation is in progress, Col Kalia said, adding that further details were awaited. With PTI

Soldier killed in Tral attack

2 LeT militants shot dead in Baramulla, 4 of HM in Anantnag

Srinagar/Anantnag, October 25

A soldier was killed and another injured in a militant attack in south Kashmir’s Tral area of Pulwama district on Thursday evening, even as six militants were gunned down in two separate operations in the Valley.

The militants opened fire at an Army camp at Nadar Tral, resulting in injuries to two soldiers, one of whom succumbed. His identity could not be established.

Meanwhile, two Lashkar-e-Toiba militants were killed in a gunfight in Baramulla district, while four Hizbul Mujahideen operatives were gunned down in the Arwini area of Anantnag district.

In Baramulla, the gunfight took place at Athoora Kreeri village, 45 km from Srinagar. An assault and an Insas rifle were recovered from the site. Clashes erupted when youngsters tried to march towards the village. — TNS

Our Correspondent

UNA, October 27

The mortal remains of Lance Naik Brajesh Kumar were consigned to flames in his native Nanavin village in Bangana of the district with full military and state honours.

The soldier, deployed with the 22 Rashtriya Rifles, had made the supreme sacrifice in Sopore, Jammu and Kashmir, two days ago during a militant attack.

An Army helicopter, carrying the body of the soldier from Jalandhar, landed at the playground of Government Senior Secondary School, Thanakalan, this morning. The martyr had studied in the school and used to play here. He had also participated in the state school kho-kho tournaments.

Teachers and students lined up on both sides of the road to pay their respects. The coffin, draped in the National Flag, was taken to his house for the last rites to be performed by family members and relatives. Brajesh’s wife Shweta and his mother almost fainted when the body reached home. They were consoled by relatives and locals. Brajesh also leaves behind a six-year-old daughter.

Amid slogans of “Amar Shaheed Brajesh and Vande Mataram”, Army officers carried the body for the last journey to the cremation ground where soldiers gave a gun salute. Local MLA and Rural Development Minister Virender Kanwar, BJP state president Satpal Singh Satti and DC Rakesh Prajapati laid wreaths on behalf of the state government and the district administration.

Recruited into the Army’s 14 Punjab Regiment in 2003, Brajesh was known to be a braveheart. He had returned to Jammu and Kashmir about 20 days ago for duty after spending some time with the family here.

Virender Kanwar later handed over a cheque for Rs 5 lakh on behalf of the state government to the soldier’s widow.

He said the state government had decided to give government job to one member of the family, besides bearing the entire expenditure of the martyr’s daughter education. He said a gate in memory of the soldier would be install at the entrance of the village, adding that a village link road would also be named after him.

In June, Pakistan had made a high-level political commitment to work with the FATF to address its strategic counter-terrorist financing-related deficiencies. File photo

Islamabad, October 20

Expressing dissatisfaction over Pakistan’s efforts to combat terror financing, a delegation of the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) has asked the country to take robust steps to strengthen its legal framework if it wants to avoid being blacklisted by the anti-money laundering watchdog, according to a media report on Saturday.

Currently placed on the FATF’s ‘grey list’, Pakistan has been scrambling in recent months to avoid being added to a list of countries deemed non-compliant with anti-money laundering and terrorist financing regulations by the Paris-based watchdog, a measure that officials here fear could further hurt its economy.

A nine-member team of the FATF’s Asia-Pacific Group (APG), which visited Pakistan from October 8 to October 19 to review the progress made by it on an action plan agreed in June to address global concerns, has finalised a report with 40 recommendations for de-listing Islamabad from its ‘grey list’ from September 2019.

However, the APG delegation has expre­ss­ed dissatisfaction over Pakistan’s progress to comply with international best practices against money laundering and counter-terror financing, the Dawn reported.

Quoting sources, it said the APG delegation, which shared its final findings with the authorities, has highlighted shortcomings on anti-money laundering front, control and monitoring of non-profit organisations and counter-terror financing mechanism as various institutions suffered poor interface of information sharing and action to combat these deficiencies.

Even in areas where legal framework was robust, the APG found the implementation as too weak, the report said.

Highlighting deficiencies in law, regulations and mechanisms and weaknesses of various institutions, the delegation said with this pace, Pakistan was unlikely to get out of the grey list.

The authorities, according to sources, were told in clear terms that Pakistan would have to make robust and significant progress from now onwards and before the next on-site review in March-April if it want to move out of the grey list or else would fall into the blacklist having serious consequences.

Officials of the ministries of interior, finance, foreign affairs and law besides the State Bank of Pakistan, the Securities and Exchange Commission of Pakistan, the National Counter-Terrorism Authority, the FIA, the Federal Board of Revenue, the National Accountability Bureau, the Anti-Narcotics Force, the FMU, the Central Directorate of National Savings and provincial counter-terrorism departments attended the briefings and explanations.

The APG would submit its draft report to the Pakistani authorities by November 19. The country was asked to submit its response to the findings within 15 days after the receipt of the report on the basis of which the APG would submit its interim report to the FATF in Paris.

The APG delegation will visit Pakistan again in March-April next year for another ‘on-site mutual evaluation’ whose report will be made public in July 2019.

The delegation also informed Finance Minister Asad Umar that the relevant agencies during their interactions with the APG were either ill-prepared or ill-informed or were unwilling to share information.

The visiting team included Ian Collins of the United Kingdom’s Scotland Yard, James Prussing of the United States Department of the Treasury, Ashraf Abdullah of the Financial Intelligence Unit of the Maldives, Bobby Wahyu Hernawan of the Indonesian Ministry of Finance, Gong Jingyan of the Peoples Bank of China and Mustafa Necmeddin Oztop of the Turkish Ministry of Justice.

The three members of the APG secretariat include Executive Secretary Gor­don Hook, Deputy Dire­ctors Mohammad Al-Rashdan and Shannon Ruther­ford.

In June, Pakistan had made a high-level political commitment to work with the FATF to address its strategic counter-terrorist financing-related deficiencies by implementing a 10-point action plan. The successful implementation of the action plan and its physical verification by the FATF will get Pakistan out of the ‘grey list’ from September 2019.

By January next year, Pakistan will have to identify and assess domestic and international terror financing risks to and from its system to strengthen investigations and improve inter-agency — FIA, SBP, SECP, banks, home and interior departments and associated agencies — coordination, as well as federal and provincial coordination to combat these risks.

The government will also have to complete the profiling of terror groups or suspected terrorists and their financial assets and strengths, besides their members and their family backgrounds, and make them accessible at the inter-agency level.

Besides, Pakistan will also have to complete investigation into the widest range of terror financing activities, including appeals and calls for donations and collection of funds, and their movements and uses. The outcome will have to be published at least twice before sep2019