Monthly Archives: August 2018

Brig IJ Singh (retd)

IMRAN KHAN’S PTI is ready to improve ties with India. He has also welcomed Modi’s telephonic call on his victory as a new chapter in relations between the two nations. The PM of India and the PM-designate of Pakistan must consider the mottos of the Indian Military Academy (IMA), Dehradun, and the Pakistan Military Academy (PMA), Kakul. Can they with ‘Valour and Wisdom’ be ‘Men at their Best’?Before the ‘broad-gauge diplomacy’ for young generations is spelt out, some historical aspects must be understood in the correct perspective. It takes three generations to wipe out the mistrust and hatred between nations. The examples to quote are France and Germany, Germany and the rest of Europe, Japan and the USA. Erstwhile North and South Vietnam and the next may soon be the Korean Peninsula.India and Pakistan will be part of a multi-nation counter-terror exercise in Russia in September, under the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation. It will be the first time that India and Pakistan will be part of a military exercise, though their armies have worked together in UN Peacekeeping and other missions. But generations taking part in such missions, when pitted against each other, are found short on confidence-building and conflict-resolution measures. My idea of wiping out the trust deficit starts with the interaction between the young generations of gentlemen cadets of the IMA and the PMA. Can the ‘googly’ of peace thrown by Imran Khan be matched by the yorker of an ‘exchange programme’ by our well-meaning PM Modi? Coming straight to the ‘template of peace’ to be tried for five years between the IMA and the PMA. It will encompass a seven-day visit of 30 IMA cadets to the PMA, conciding with their passing-out parade. It should be reciprocated by the PMA in the succeeding term. The ‘week of friendship’ shall include sports competitions, seminars of mutual interest, i.e. contribution of India-Pakistan to World War I and II, leadership challenges in modern warfare, role of the army in nation-building, trade opportunities by land and sea, role of technology in education and contribution to UN missions.The cadets should be taken on a conducted tour of the academy, culminating in taking part in the passing-out parade. Both countries march to 120 steps a minute.We are targeting the generation which will be there to take forward the peace process in the years to come. These young cadets, when turned into men of substance, will ensure that there is a need to embrace a strategic stability regime which will be able to address problems of non-state actors and will know the importance of economic cooperation, which, in turn, will melt the mountain of hatred. We are looking at people who can predict the future, possibly better than experts.PM-designate Imran Khan, you said that if India take one step forward, you will take two. I would say let us march together and tread the path of peace, development and trust between the two democracies. On our side, India should ensure that we don’t act as a big brother but, at best, an elder brother.The COAS of the Pakistan army, General Bajwa, who had the opportunity to serve under one of our chiefs in the UN mission, should say ‘yes’. Or will he say ‘no ball’ to such exchange programmes!

Crossing the line | The Indian Express

New Delhi, August 19

Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose’s daughter Anita Bose Pfaff has renewed her appeal to the governments of India and Japan for bringing her father’s mortal remains back home. According to her, Netaji died in an air crash in Taiwan on August 18, 1945, and his remains are preserved at Tokyo’s Renkoji temple since September 1945.“On the 73rd anniversary of my father’s passing away, I renew my appeal to the governments of India and Japan to facilitate transfer of his mortal remains from Japan to India for a final disposal,” she said. “It was my father’s ambition to return to a free India. This was unfortunately not fulfilled. Therefore, it would be appropriate if at least his remains touch the soil of Independent India,” she added. — PTI

President Donald Trump’s decision to pull the US out of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPA) of July 2015, also known as the Iran nuclear deal, did send signals of concern around the world. With JCPA in place, in the last three years, a number of nations had begun to invest in Iran being aware of opportunities in a nation which had been virtually out of the international economic ambit for many years due to sanctions. Now with fresh US sanctions about to be implemented the international community is once again examining how to remain outside the complex politics of these sanctions and continue to follow individual national interests. However, an even more serious threat appears to be emerging over the last few weeks with Trump and his core advisors, Secretary of State Mike Pompeo and National Security Advisor John Bolton, issuing naked threats against Iran and expressing their willingness to go to war to effect a regime change and destroy Iran’s nuclear facilities which they suspect can put Iran on the path to attaining nuclear weapon status in an undetermined yet fairly early time frame.

US animosity towards Iran goes back to 1979-80, in fact to three specific events. First was Iran’s clergy led revolution which overthrew one of US’ closest allies of the Cold War era, Shah Reza Pahlavi, Iran’s dictatorial monarch. The second was the takeover by renegade Iranian youth of the US Embassy in Tehran in mid-1980 when president Jimmy Carter allowed the ailing Shah To visit the US for treatment of cancer. The third was the botched attempt to rescue the hostages at the embassy by the US Special Forces which led to fatalities of US servicemen when two aircraft collided during a dust storm in the desert. It effectively sealed the fate of Carter who was then seeking a second term as president. More importantly, it hit US ego in a way that the same has yet to recover. Iran’s belligerence, particularly the rhetoric during the era of former Iranian president Ahmadinejad some years ago, a clandestine nuclear programme and a clergy-led antipathy (not necessarily supported by the Iranian public) has kept the US-Iran relationship on tenterhooks.

Soldier become Indian Army officer is now up against his own elite unit

In Manipur, a Lt. Col has ‘highlighted’ fake encounters, pitting him against the force he loyally served for nearly 2 decades.

Imphal: In a nearly 20-year career, Lieutenant Colonel Dharamvir Singh had worked his way up from the lowest rungs of the Indian Army.

Along the way, the officer with the Corps Intelligence and Surveillance Unit (CISU) from 3 Corps, served in the Special Forces and even fought in the Kargil War of 1999.

Now in his 40s, Singh is at the centre of a bizarre crisis which could have far-reaching consequences not just for himself personally but possibly even the Indian Army.

In Manipur’s Imphal Valley where he is posted, Singh is being hailed as a soldier with a conscience for what locals say is speaking up and exposing the dark deeds of his own comrades.

But for his own unit, he has become a villain: He was taken into custody and accused of insubordination, among other things. His current whereabouts are not known and some of his colleagues think he is “finished”.

An explosive affidavit

The Lt. Col had first created a stir in September last year when he had written to his superiors alleging that his intelligence unit from 3 Corps, headquartered in Rangapahar, near Dimapur in Nagaland, had been systematically executing Manipuri militants in “fake encounters” since 2010.

Though nothing had come off it back then, on the morning of 1 July, he was allegedly taken into custody by his own unit from his official quarters in ‘M’ Sector, Imphal.

He was accused of insubordination, not joining his post on time, and bringing his family into a field posting.

His wife, Ranju Singh, 35, who had just reached the Manipuri capital from Mumbai the previous day, raised an alarm, addressing a press conference on 3 July seeking to find her husband’s whereabouts.

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Also read: Supreme Court is the last hope for justice in Manipur fake encounter cases

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On 11 July, Singh reappeared and stepped up his actions against his unit, this time filing an affidavit in the Manipur High Court, repeating the accusations of “fake encounters” that he had listed in his September letter.

After he went missing again, his wife filed a habeas corpus petition in the Manipur High Court on 20 July.

A week later, the Lt. Col was produced in court. “I could see the pain in his eyes,” says Ranju Singh. “I was worried he was being tortured”.

There is little else that can be published of her or his account as the Manipur High Court has prevented the media from doing so.

“Since the case is pending before the court, we call upon the Lt. Col Dharambir Singh not to issue any statement in respect of the matter before the court directly or indirectly to the media,” reads the order of the Manipur High Court issued on 1 August.

“The press and media are directed not to publish photographs of officers involved in the case,” the order concludes.

Army under scanner

The Army has so far remained tight-lipped on the entire controversy. But the Manipur High Court has directed it to file its official reply in the matter on 17 August.

There is also no clarity on Singh’s current whereabouts.

His affidavit, however, has rattled the force. In it, he has detailed how three suspected militants were allegedly killed and at least two others taken hostage and allegedly murdered by his unit, the 3 CISU.

What is bound to worry New Delhi is that the cases he has highlighted are from the jurisdiction of the Army’s 3 Corps. The 3 Corps command the biggest terrain for an Indian Army formation — covering three international boundaries besides counter-insurgency work.

More significantly, it has thrown up successive army chiefs — General Bipin Rawat, the current chief, and his predecessor, General Dalbir Singh Suhag (retd), have commanded it.

‘The encounters that never were’

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This is Renu Thakhelambam, president of a group called Extra Judicial Executions Victims’ Families (EEVFAM). Her husband, a suspected insurgent, was allegedly shot dead “within earshot” in 2007 by the Army. When Renu is not dealing with court cases, she practises privately as a “hair style and skin care” specialist. It was her organisation’s case that the SC took up this week and rapped the Centre and state over HR violations.

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The 2010 citation in the Sena Medal for Captain Rubina Kaur Keer credits her for having penetrated a terrorist network and establishing a “dynamic intelligence network” to track insurgent movement and activities.

“Captain Rubina Kaur Keer through her perseverance, initiative, unrelenting efforts and in total disregard to personal safety, penetrated into the terrorist network in a highly insurgent-infested area thereby establishing a dynamic Intelligence network to track and monitor insurgent movement and activities,” reads the citation.

Capt Kaur had been recommended for the gallantry award by Colonel Srikumar, the then commanding officer, in June 2010.

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Also read: 4 key Manipur encounter cases in focus as SC orders CBI probe into extra-judicial killings

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According to Colonel Srikumar, Capt Kaur’s “sustained” efforts had resulted in the killing of three wanted cadre of the banned Meitei insurgent outfit in Manipur, the Peoples’ Liberation Army (PLA). He added that the operation that killed the three — “R. K. Roshan, Thounajam Prem and T.H. Naobi Singh” — also led to the recovery of “large quantity arms, ammunition and warlike stores from 7 mile, Dimapur.”

This is not how it played out, according to Lt Colonel Singh, who has disputed the official version in his affidavit before the high court.

For one, the affidavit states, the colonel had even got the names of one of the victims wrong. R.K. Roshan, according to Singh, was, in fact, R.K. Ranel, and he and the other two were picked up from their homes in Dimapur, a few kilometres from the 3 Corps headquarters in Rangapahar.

They were allegedly brought to the corps headquarters and killed behind the unit officers’ mess. They were buried there before their bodies were taken to Karbi Anglong in Assam.

Two others, a student named Satish, and another as yet unidentified man, were picked up from Shillong and killed similarly, claims Dharamvir in his affidavit.

The same team also allegedly killed G. Jiteshwar, also known as “Gypsy”, who was assistant publicity secretary in the PLA in January 2011, asserts the Lt Colonel in the affidavit.

Gypsy’s elder brother, Setyeibrata, told ThePrint that with the affidavit, the courts should ensure justice. “Even if he was guerrilla, there is the Indian Constitution guarantees us human rights,” he said. “We did not know what had happened to him since he last sent an SMS (text message) saying he was arrested in Dimapur,” he recalls.

“We need closure,” he says.

Soldiers with a conscience

With his affidavit, Dharamvir Singh joins Thanajom Herojit and junior commissioned officer (JCO) Ramesh Chand Sharma in the ranks of security personnel who have turned against their own forces in the state.

In January 2016, Herojit, a head constable with the Manipur Police, confessed to having carried out extra-judicial killings, which he then went on to claim were rampant in the state.

Sharma, a naib subedar with the 30 Assam Rifles, walked into a newspaper office in Imphal in April this year and confessed that he was at Khukhrul Mills in West Imphal when five suspected militants were shot dead. “It was not an encounter. We took them there and shot them,” he alleged.

But Lt. Col Dharamvir Singh is the most high-profile among the three. It is rare for an Army officer, especially one from the Special Forces, to speak out against his own service.

And Dharamvir Singh is no ordinary officer. He was recruited as a jawan, made his way through the Army Cadet College (ACC) in Dehradun before being selected for the Indian Military Academy (IMA).

After his stint in the Special Forces, he was commissioned as an officer in the Intelligence Corps. He was posted to Nagaland two-and-a-half years ago.

‘Woh Khatam (he is finished)’

Inside Imphal’s “M Sector”, or military sector, where he was stationed, there are no easy answers as to why Lt Colonel Dharamvir Singh, “Veer” to friends, would seek to expose his men.

The “M Sector” has offices and living quarters for the Army. It is adjacent to the sprawling grounds of the Raj Bhavan, the governor’s house, in Imphal. It is also across the moat from the Kangla Fort, the erstwhile residence of Manipur royals.

In this highly militarised city, there are soldiers in various camouflage fatigues —khaki to olive green.

At M Sector that housed the Army, the security is the responsibility of the Assam Rifles, a paramilitary force, officered by the army. On the premises, a temple contains a plaque, which notes Dharamvir Singh’s presence at the inaugural in 2016.

“This is a tough place. Outwardly, it is peaceful. The Manipuris, especially the Meiteis, are a calm people,” says an officer who lives and works out of M Sector. “But there are many connections that we cannot figure out,” he adds.

“Dharamvir had spent enough time here and had even picked up a smattering of the local language. He gave real-time intelligence,” the officer acknowledges.

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Also read: After Meghalaya, govt must listen to people, repeal AFSPA in Nagaland & Manipur too

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“Faltu mein hungama macha diya (He has raised futile claims),” said another officer who has worked alongside the Lt Colonel in M Sector, Imphal. “Woh khatam (he is finished)”.

According to this officer, Veer was angry that he was refused a posting of his choice — he allegedly wanted to go to Mumbai but his next posting was reportedly in Belgaum.

His wife too didn’t provide a reason for why he would take on his own unit.  “For my husband, the Army is religion and we both respect our esteemed organisation and never dreamed we would go against the system,” she said at the press conference before the Manipur High Court bar on her speaking out.

Tribune News Service

Jammu, August 12

The People’s Liberation Army (PLA) has allegedly intruded into the Demchok sector in Ladakh along the Line of Actual Control (LAC) and installed tents.The alleged intrusion occurred in the Cherdong-Nerlong Nallan area in the Demchok sector in July. The PLA installed five tents in the area but later removed three of them after the Indian Army and PLA held a Brigadier-level meeting a few days ago.According to sources, PLA men, in civvies, had intruded around 300-400 m inside the Indian territory in the Demchok region and put up five tents. They were posing as nomads and had also brought cattle with them. “Even after showing flags, which is the standard procedure on the LAC to express dissent, they continued to stay put in the region,” a source told The Tribune.“After repeated requests, the PLA agreed to the Brigadier-level talks. Thereafter, three tents were removed, but two tents are still there. PLA men in civvies continue to occupy the area,” the source added. Despite repeated calls, there was no response from the Army.However, the Indian Army has earlier maintained that there are different perceptions of the LAC as it is not clearly demarcated. In August last year, the incursion by the PLA in the Pangong lake area led to a scuffle between the two armies. A few soldiers received injuries in the incident. Later, the PLA was made to retreat from the area.

The Army’s pre-eminence in that country’s pecking order is ensured only by its deep animosity with India, something Imran is unlikely to be able to change in any hurry, or even have any inclination to change. (Photo: AP)

There has been considerable speculation about what prospects the advent of Pakistan’s former cricket captain Imran Khan as his country’s Prime Minister holds for peace in the subcontinent. In India, most opinion veers on the cynical, judging by Imran’s known change of persona over the last few years in the quest of his ambition to lead his country. That this has brought him far more in convergence with the Pakistan Army’s thinking doesn’t really augur well for prospects of peace. The Army’s pre-eminence in that country’s pecking order is ensured only by its deep animosity with India, something Imran is unlikely to be able to change in any hurry, or even have any inclination to change. He has willingly partnered the Army to follow its diktats. Inexperienced in strategic affairs, he will be dependent hugely on the generals for guidance, although Pakistan’s diplomatic corps is still one of its best institutions. With India’s general election due in nine months or so, the subcontinent isn’t really ready for peace initiatives now, though a dose of peace always helps any incumbent political leadership. In India-Pakistan relations, however, the opposite is also true — where the deterioration of ties leads to nationalistic passions and may also help incumbent leaders. Realistically, it is only after June 2019 that there can be some forward movement; till then Imran Khan needs to get his act together to prevent the possibility of Pakistan finally transiting the status of failing state to failed state.

The new government in Islamabad will need an economic bailout package and work towards releasing Pakistan from the stranglehold of the terror and radical outfits that have been mainstreamed in this election. Imran may be in for a surprise if he does a reality check. The problems he can expect from India will be way down the ladder of serious threats. India is far too involved in its own internal challenges to desire any turbulence at the borders or in Jammu and Kashmir. If the Pakistani generals choose to keep the Line of Control quiet and calibrate the situation in the Kashmir Valley to just around the current levels or less, it is unlikely to draw too much response from India, which in a few months will be deeply involved in its own election process. However, the Pakistan Army always fears that inactivity in Kashmir gives India the opportunity to regain lost ground, both operationally and in the psychological space. Therefore, calibrated efforts to maintain violence and promote alienation will probably continue. Reports indicate that the Jaish-e-Mohammed (JeM) of Maulana Masood Azhar, which managed to stay under the radar through the Pakistan polls, is expanding its training and holding facility near Bahawalpur with the security forces turning a blind eye. A bigger terror strike targeting India any time in the near future will call for a stronger response by India, especially in an election year. That is what the JeM wants to upend other groups and establish its primacy. That is where Imran’s challenge lies, and where the Pakistani “Deep State” may not be willing to assist him, bailout package or not.

There are other internal problems linked with Pakistan’s main partners — China and the United States — although many may challenge the notion of the US being Pakistan’s partner. The US need for Pakistan and vice versa can hardly be denied, and that steers the relationship through hot and cold. There is the political Opposition, which may have been defeated electorally but may wish to resolve issues on the streets. The mainstream parties — the Pakistan People’s Party and Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz — once earlier got together in 2007-08 to create conditions to oust Gen. Pervez Musharraf. Given that precedent, we may not yet have seen the end of turbulence. The mainstreaming of some radical parties which took part in this election may also add to the country’s internal threats. Both these issues will not help Islamabad to obtain a bailout package.

The China factor remains significant. First, China itself is in the throes of a reset of ties with India after last year’s Doklam crisis virtually brought the two nations to the doorstep of an armed standoff. Any deterioration in India-Pakistan ties will be counter-productive to China’s strategic needs. Second, with much at stake in one of China’s largest overseas investments, China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), Beijing doesn’t want to see any obstacles to its full actualisation. Those obstacles remain in Pakistan’s turbulent internal security, which threatens order that is so necessary for completion of the projects. The Pakistan Army’s inclination to use friendly terror groups as strategic assets against India is also something China may be actually uncomfortable about; despite its refusal to support the labelling of Masood Azhar as a global terrorist. Now, with a reset of India-China ties, this issue may become a sticking point. It recently didn’t hold back from supporting the majority at the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) decision to grey-list Pakistan. China’s relationship with Imran Khan and his PTI has not been too pleasant in recent years. The PTI has been extremely critical of the CPEC, and at one time even likened the project to a new British East India Company. The PTI’s five-month anti-government sit-in in Islamabad in 2014 had forced the postponement of Chinese President Xi Jinping’s visit at a time when he was keen to showcase some CPEC projects.

Yet China was the first country that Imran Khan chose to mention in his maiden speech after the election. Obviously, he is positing Pakistan closer to China, but the bailout package is not going to come from China, from where almost $5 billion has already been borrowed. He is obviously going along with popular sentiment in Pakistan, where anti-American feelings run high, but these will place him at odds with the first major issue that will confront him: the economy. Any bailout is likely to be contingent upon Western satisfaction about the measures undertaken against the extremist groups. Given this situation, Imran Khan will hardly be able to bowl at full pace; he may have to settle for a medium swing to test the waters, which are indeed going to be turbulent.

Samaan Lateef

Tribune News Service

Srinagar, August 5

Worried over the growing number of local youths taking to militancy, the Jammu and Kashmir Government has drafted a policy for rehabilitating those willing to shun arms and return to the mainstream. Almost 100 youths have joined the militant ranks this year so far.   Militants placed on the list of the Subsidiary Multi-Agency Centre (SMAC) — a nodal agency comprising officials for security and intelligence inputs — will be eligible for incentives. A militant who has surrendered will be referred to as a “renouncer”.He will surrender only before the designated authorities — divisional commissioners, district magistrates, top police officers and heads of operational units not below the rank of Commandant.Entitled to Rs 5 lakh-6 lakh as fixed deposit, the “renouncer” will be able to withdraw the money after the lock-in period of a minimum three years, subject to continued good behaviour as certified by the CID.“The objective is to offer an opportunity to terrorists who eschew the path of violence… The policy is particularly aimed at economic rehabilitation, enabling them to lead a normal life and contribute towards society’s progress…” reads the draft policy prepared by the Home Department under the directions of K Vijay Kumar, Adviser to Governor NN Vohra.Lay down arms, get… 

• Rs 5-6 lakh fixed deposit with a lock-in period of 3 years
• Rs 5,000 monthly stipend  during lock-in period
• Self-employment under Pradhan Mantri Kaushal Vikas Yojana & Himayat
• Consideration for accommodation in Jammu/Srinagar