Monthly Archives: August 2018

The signs have been ominous for the past four years. By the time PM Modi arrived at his ‘Barack’ moment, Russia had read South Block’s signals of apathy and inked an agreement on defence cooperation with Pakistan. Meandering through a naval agreement and sale of Mi helicopters, the Russia-Pakistan security relationship has moved well past Cold War hostilities to enter a more intimate phase of training Pakistani troops in Russian institutes. Pakistan may have taken the plunge because the US, its steady pole of security cooperation, is more interested in a settlement in Afghanistan rather than shoring up Pakistan army’s arsenal.But for India’s policy planners this is a moment of reflection. Russia is not just a consistent supplier of cheap and sturdy military equipment. Both sides have taken comfort in the other’s company at times of international distress — India backed Moscow to the hilt on Afghanistan while Russia bailed out India on Kashmir with its vetoes. There was also a healthy dose of self-interest involved: Russia backed India in the 1971 war to pay back Pakistan for arranging a secret summit between Nixon and Mao. For India, Moscow provided a reliable hedge against geopolitical arm-twisting by the West during the Cold War.Indian diplomacy may be on the wrong side of history if it is steering away from Russia. Along with Iran and China, Russia has lately become indispensable in the region. In addition, much is going on with Russia to permit it to drift away. Moscow’s mediation, in fact, can prove useful in bringing together Pakistan and India on Afghanistan, which could lead to the breaking of the Indo-Pak diplomatic ice. PM Modi’s informal meeting in May with Vladimir Putin would have attempted a course correction, reflecting the unease in the Indian establishment over the current state of affairs. Russia is currently in a spot of bother; a helping hand at this juncture is likely to be more than appreciated.

The first floor of South Block, where the defence minister, defence secretary, and a host of senior officials work, froze for a few hours in the last week of June. A 35-year-old homemaker and army officer’s wife had been murdered inside the Delhi cantonment. Was she killed by an outsider? And, if so, what kind of blame would Defence Minister Nirmala Sitharaman have to take? After all, Sitharaman had orderedand supervised opening up cantonment roads, much to the anger of veterans and families of serving officers.

The veterans and the families had taken to social media soon after orders to open up the roads were issued, accusing the minister and the bureaucracy of having “vested interests”.

Defence Minister Nirmala Sitharaman had to face flak for the decision. (Photo: PTI/file)

After the murder, as phones worked overtime and messages from secure lines flashed all across, the sequence of events became clear. The woman was allegedly killed by an Army officer. While that was shocking in itself, the crime couldn’t be directly linked to the opening up cantonment roads.

Across India, there are 62 cantonments and they collectively occupy nearly 1.57 lakh acres of land — about 635 sqkm. The MoD has 17.57 lakh acres of land — about 7,110 sqkm, of which a little over 10,000 acres is encroached upon. To give perspective, Goa is spread over 3,702 sqkm and Chandigarh over 114 sqkm.

Cantonments are distinct from military stations. As the name indicates, military stations are operational in nature and are in complete control of the military. Cantonments, however, have an elected administrative body guided by the Cantonment Act 2006, which replaced the Cantonment Act of 1924.

Cantonments go back to 1600s and to the East India Company. The first cantonment came up in Barrackpore, set up by Robert Clive in 1765. It is perhaps from “barracks” that the name “Barrackpore” comes. From Bengal, as the East India Company went west towards Malawa to control the opium production there, new cantonments started coming up. Similar is the case with Sindh. Some cities and settlements pre-date cantonments and in some cases, settlements have sprung up around cantonments.

Across the country, there are about 850 cantonment roads that are out-of-bonds for civilians. Many or most of these have been closed without due process, as prescribed in the Cantonment Act of 2006. Of this, the closure of about 120-odd roads was reviewed by the MoD and around 80 roads opened up.

Although the decision was taken in consultation with the Chief of Army Staff, General Bipin Rawat, and other senior members of the army brass, senior commanders have refused to open up 17 roads. In fact, in addition to these 850, the army wants another 80 roads to be closed.

Cantonments and military stations have faced attacks even with the roads closed off. (Photo: PTI/file)

Importantly, local commanders have refused to answer queries on why 17 roads remain closed despite orders. This not only amounts to disregarding orders of the MoD, but also of the Chief of Army Staff. The fact that senior commanders have refused to acknowledge queries from the political leadership has raised eyebrows.

Opening up cantonment roads for civilians has turned out to be a bitter and acrimonious issue. Lines are sharply drawn. On one side there are the veterans and the families of serving soldiers, pointing out security issues. On the other is the Ministry of Defence, which has received petitions from Members of Parliament and civilian citizens who cite difficulties and harassment in their daily life.

Security indeed is a concern, as is the safety of soldiers’ families. Indeed, of the numerous terror attacks in India, several have been directed on cantonments and military stations. But these have happened even when the cantonment roads were closed and when the borders are heavily guarded.

Military installations are high-value targets, but so are several others across India. Does it mean we close down everything? Drawing a linear link between opening cantonment roads with security is flaky. Such arguments show that the military has little faith in other arms of the state — the police and the numerous security establishments. Surely, it is no one’s case that the various arms of the state are incapable of protecting the military and their families? This stand-off, acrimony, and air of suspicion are unhealthy.

The Indian Armed Forces and the defence ministry must take a mature approach. And the prerequisite for that is the knowledge and acknowledgement that neither is against the other.

Also read: Why unconditional access to cantonment areas is a bad move

https://www.facebook.com/DailyO.in/videos/2196690670562388/

Our Correspondent

Kaithal, August 20

The mortal remains of Rajesh Punia were on Monday consigned to flames with full state honours in his native village Bhagal of the Guhla subdivision in Kaithal district.Transport Minister Krishan Lal Panwar attended the funeral and consoled the bereaved family. He announced assistance of Rs 50 lakh and government job to a family member of the martyr.Thousands of people stood along the Pehowa-Cheeka road to pay their last respects. An Army contingent also paid respects.Rajesh’s mother Krishna Devi said she was proud of her son and was ready to send her younger son to the Army. Rajesh’s younger brother Rampal felt proud that his brother had sacrificed his life for the country.Local MLA Kulwant Bazigar, former Rajya Sabha member Ishwar Singh and former Chief Parliamentary Secretary Dillu Ram Bajigar laid wreaths on the body. Posted in Jammu and Kashmir, 23-year-old Rajesh of the 6 Rajputana Rifles succumbed to injuries after he slipped and fell from a hill at Kaksar in the Drass-Kargil area on August 18.

Defence Minister Nirmala Sitharaman paid tributes to Shaheed Bhagat Singh, Rajguru and Sukhdev at the National Martyrs’ Memorial at Hussainiwala in Ferozepur district on Sunday. A teary-eyed Sitharaman said Hussainiwala belonged to the freedom fighters who had made the supreme sacrifice for their motherland.She said soldiers should consider themselves lucky that they had been given an opportunity to perform their duty at such a sacred place. The minister was accompanied by Ferozepur MP Sher Singh Ghubaya, Deputy Commissioner Balwinder Singh Dhaliwal, SSP Pritam Singh and other officers.

Alone, the new Pak PM can do little to build bridges with India

G Parthasarthy
A former diplomat 
There has been speculation in India about how to deal with a Pakistan government headed by Imran Khan. It is futile to speculate but one should look at future developments, which will shape his reaction towards domestic and international challenges Pakistan faces.
Imran founded the PTI together with a former ISI chief, Lt Gen Hamid Gul. General Gul invited worldwide attention for his support for radical Islamic outfits in Pakistan, Afghanistan and even Bosnia. Imran himself has supported the Afghan Taliban and other radical Islamic outfits in Pakistan. The PTI provincial government in Peshawar has been forthcoming in funding Maulana Samiul Haq, who is an electoral ally of the party. Samiul Haq, better known as the ‘father of the Taliban’, runs Darul Uloom seminary, which hosted the former Taliban (Haqqani Network) leader, Jalaluddin Haqqani. It has also hosted the local head of the Al Qaeda in the Indian subcontinent, Asim Umar, as well as Akhtar Mansoor who succeeded Mullah Omar as the Taliban chief. The seminary has a cozy relationship with Maulana Masood Azhar, chief of Jaish-e- Mohammed, who was responsible for several attacks on India, including the attack on Parliament in 2001.
Imran’s connections with the military are an open secret. Less than two years back, he sought to destabilise the Nawaz Sharif government, staging a protest to close down the capital Islamabad, with another ISI asset, the Canada-based cleric, Tahir-ul-Qadri. While Imran may ostensibly keep some distance from these radical outfits after assuming office, the contacts of his party with them will continue. He will inevitably back the army’s favourite jihadi outfit, the Lashkar-e-Taiba. These outfits operate against both India and Afghanistan, necessitating close cooperation with Afghanistan and the Trump administration, especially in forums like the Financial Action Task Force.
Imran is going to immediately face two major challenges: Pakistan’s dwindling foreign exchange reserves, now valued at around a mere $10 billion, and the reality that IMF assistance may not be forthcoming, unless details of Pakistan’s total repayment liabilities to China on CPEC (estimated at around $90 billion) are furnished and examined. US Secretary of State Pompeo has made it clear that no money will be forthcoming from the IMF, if it is used to repay Pakistan’s debts to China. Moreover, Chinese banks appear to be reluctant to pour money into a bottomless pit. The Saudis will keep a close eye on Imran’s explicit desire to build bridges to Iran, though some Saudi banks have expressed their readiness to extend credits up to $4 billion.

With the advent of winter, infiltration in the Kashmir valley will naturally fall. The real test will come after the winter snow melts. There are enough jihadi cheerleaders in Pakistan for Imran’s PTI to keep up the anti-India tirade for jihad against India and for Taliban rule in Afghanistan. There are three noted India baiters in Imran’s cabinet: foreign minister Shah Mehmood Qureishi, ‘human rights’ minister Shireen Mazari and railways minister Sheikh Rashid Ahmed. Imran’s comments on India have generally been moderate. But, he will be given little space by the army to do or say anything that comes in the way of the army’s ‘bleed India with a thousand cuts’ approach.
India should not rush into uncharted waters by hurriedly engaging in any ‘composite’ or ‘comprehensive dialogue’, wherein terrorism receives scant importance. We should make it clear that the framework for a dialogue already exists under the high-level foreign ministerial-led India-Pakistan Joint Commission set up in 1983, where all issues, including Kashmir, can be discussed. But, no serious dialogue can be held unless Pakistan fulfils the assurance that General Musharraf gave PM Vajpayee in 2004 that ‘territory under Pakistan’s control’ would not be used for terrorism against India. Dialogue with Pakistan was resumed only after verifying that Musharraf was abiding by this assurance. A serious ‘back channel’ discussion on Kashmir followed only after terrorism ended.
In the meantime, discreet official contacts with Pakistan can continue. We should be prepared to upgrade the present conversations between the DGMOs, which discuss prevailing ground issues, to meetings at a higher level between India’s Vice-Chief/Army Commander and Pakistan’s Chief of General Staff, who wields clout in GHQ Rawalpindi. These contacts can be used to end infiltration and craft CBMs to ensure peace across the border and the LoC (Pakistan’s DGMO is a relatively junior ‘two star’ General). We have such mechanisms with other neighbours like China and Myanmar. Like in Myanmar, the army plays the predominant role on security issues and the army’s chief of general staff wields far greater clout than its National Security Adviser on security issues, in Pakistan.
Imran is keen on hosting the next SAARC Summit in Islamabad. There is little point in the summit before Pakistan fulfils its obligations on free trade with India under the Free Trade Agreement and provides transit facilities for trade between India and Afghanistan. Since there is no question of China, which is not a South Asian country, becoming a member of SAARC, there should be prior agreement that Pakistan will not raise the issue of China’s membership.
When the Indian Consulate-General was being set up in Karachi, then External Affairs Minister Vajpayee decreed that visas for those wishing to visit India should be liberally issued. This policy paid remarkable returns in ending the hostility of those brainwashed for three decades. We need to make it clear that our aim is to be unwavering in responding strongly to those who promote terrorism, while keeping the doors open for those who seek understanding to visit India.

Tribune News Service

Chandigarh, August 17

The IAF on Friday evacuated a 50-year-old French woman who was seriously injured in a road mishap while on a road trip to Leh on bikes along with her husband.Bresson Florence was taken to a nearby Army hospital and shifted to the ICU at SNM Hospital in Leh. Her condition was critical while her husband, Christophe, suffered minor injuries.The Embassy of France at New Delhi requested immediate evacuation of the patients to Chandigarh or Delhi on Thursday. A C-17 Globemaster aircraft was prepared with a Patient Transfer Unit, a mobile ICU. However, the weather at Leh on Thursday did not allow the aircraft to land. Early on Friday, a C-17 aircraft from Chandigarh landed at Leh with the PTU. Bresson was transferred to the PTU.Simultaneously, a C-130 Hercules aircraft from Hindon reached Leh and took off with the patient accompanied by her husband and other medicare personnel and landed in New Delhi.“Due to bad weather we could not launch the aircraft last evening. Our medical team was in touch with the doctors at Leh and at the first opportune moment, both the aircraft were launched and the mission was executed successfully,” said Air Cmde S Srinivasan, Air Officer Commanding, 12 Wing Chandigarh.