Pakistan’s slow descent into the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) grey list was preordained. The US was chaffing at Rawalpindi’s covert support to the Taliban and now that it had agreed to come to the negotiating table, it was important to keep it under pressure by choking its sources of financing, mainly from Pakistan. Pakistan’s promulgation of an ordinance in February did address a few Indian concerns but none was convinced about their permanency given its back history of slipping upon dutiful promises. However, its leadership’s reflex reaction of blaming a US-India conspiracy is disturbing. By now it should have realised that the worm has turned as far as dirty money is concerned; even rock-solid tax havens have been forced to come clean.Even if the Pakistani leadership’s lament about victimisation is taken on face value — and there may be a grain of truth since most of the other seven on the grey list are politically estranged from the US — it has certainly acted irresponsibly by allowing UN-sanctioned individuals to roam free and test the electoral waters? Pakistan’s nudge-and-wink approach towards some serious purveyors of violence has not just extracted a heavy toll outside its borders but inside as well, including 3,000 of its soldiers. The FATF also needs to be questioned about the effectiveness of its methodology that is six years old for Islamabad remains unreformed despite being put on the grey list and black list for a total of five years since 2008.Pakistan may not immediately feel the pinch of FATF’s listing because of the cushion of Chinese promises to fund the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor. But its development needs far exceed what the yuan can provide and it will have to pay higher costs for international bonds and to borrow from multilateral bodies. At the same time, Pakistan requires time to implement the recommendations because its interim government has no mandate to make policy changes. Yet the leadership needs to realise that the screen of victimhood is no safeguard against the pain it suffers for using militancy as a permanent instrument of state policy.

NEW DELHI: If India wants to send Pakistan another strong message again, India “can definitely” hit them again with surgical strikes + , said the Army officer who oversaw the first such strikes on terror camps across the Line of Control (LoC), in a comment today to news agency ANI.

Lt General (Retired) DS Hooda also said the 2016 decision to hit the terror camps came from the Centre and the military agreed with it.

“Decision (on conducting surgical strikes) finally came from political leadership but military was in agreement that we needed to do something. If we want to send another strong response to Pakistan in the future we can definitely do it again,” said General Hooda.

Video footage of the surgical strikes + across the LoC, which took place on September 29, 2016, was aired on TV news channels on Wednesday. The eight-minute-long video shows how the Special Forces of the Indian Army crossed over the LoC and destroyed the targets on the Pakistani side of the LoC.The footage was reportedly shot from drones and Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UAVs) and was captured on thermal imaging cameras used by the Army to monitor the operation.

The operation was monitored from a control room in Udhampur, Headquarters of Indian Army’s strategic Northern Command,” General Hooda, the then Northern Army Commander told Times Now.

“One of the major challenges that the team that went across, faced was that the camps were located close to Pakistan Army posts,” Hooda added.

he Congress said that both the prime minister and Union defence minister Nirmala Sitharaman “lied” to the nation in order to favour Anil Ambani-owned Reliance Infrastructure Limited.

New Delhi: With merely eight months left for the general elections, the purchase of 36 Rafale fighter jets – worth Rs 60,145 crore – is gradually becoming the biggest political thorn in the side of the Narendra Modi government. Days after Rahul Gandhi accused the Union government of hiding facts about the controversial fighter jet deal during the no-confidence motion in parliament, the Congress on Friday released a new set of documents to back up his claim that the Rafale purchase is one of the most blatant incidents of cronyism in independent India’s history.

Alleging multiple violations in the deal that could compromise India’s national security, the Congress said that both the prime minister and defence minister Nirmala Sitharaman “lied” to the nation in order to favour the Anil Ambani-owned Reliance Infrastructure Limited.

The Rafale deal was shrouded in mystery from the very beginning, ever since the prime minister announced the purchase during his visit to France in 2015. Subsequently, it came to light that the then defence minister Manohar Parrikar had gotten to know about the deal only a week before it was announced in a foreign land – a convention-defying act by the prime minister. Such deals have to compulsorily be approved by the cabinet committee on security but Modi unilaterally concluded the agreement.

Then, it became evident that the Modi government bought each plane at more than Rs 1,600 crore while the previous UPA government had negotiated the deal with Dassault at only Rs 526 crore.

The controversy became worse when it emerged that a joint venture company between Reliance Defence Limited (RDL) – a subsidiary of the Anil Ambani-owned Reliance Infrastructure Limited (RIL) – and Dassault Aviation secured the offset deal at Rs 30,000 crore. This raised eyebrows as the public sector defence company Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL) had landed the offset contract in the deal that the UPA government had struck with the French aviation company.

That RIL had no experience in manufacturing planes in contrast to HAL, whose sole occupation is manufacturing defence planes, ruffled many feathers last year. In addition, the clause which required Dassault to transfer its technology to HAL also found a quiet burial as the public sector company was denied its biggest ever offset contract.

Since then, the government has only said that the Congress was “shameless” in alleging a scam as the government bought the planes in an emergency situation because the UPA wasted many years in implementing the previous deal. However, according to estimates, the first plane to land in India should take another five years. Despite persistent allegations by the opposition, the government has been shying away from letting out significant details of the agreement. There has been no factual rejoinder by the defence ministry yet. Sitharaman has only said that the cost of the planes cannot be divulged because of a secrecy clause in the deal.

However, the matter assumed significance again when Gandhi on the floor of the parliament said that there was no secrecy clause and that the defence minister was misleading the nation to prevent the truth from coming out. Congress leaders since then have also alleged that none of the allegations made by the Congress over the past year found any response from the government.

New documents

On Friday, however, the documents released by the Congress made multiple points that the government will have to answer.

Although the offset contract given to the Dassault Reliance Aerospace Limited – a joint venture between RDL and Dassault – is worth Rs 30,000 crore, the Congress released RIL’s papers which claimed that “a consequent Lifecycle Cost Contract” of Rs 1 lakh crore was also awarded to it.

In this context, Randeep Surjewala, chief spokesperson of the Congress said, “What is surprising is that one of the biggest defence offset contracts went to a company, Reliance Defence Ltd, which was constituted only 12 days before (March 28, 2015) the announcement of purchase of 36 Rafale aircrafts by PM in France on 10th April, 2015. The company Reliance Defence Ltd. did not have the license to manufacture fighter aircrafts at that time.”

Surjewala placed records of the ministry of corporate affairs, RIL’s press releases and company records to make his point that the Modi government had gifted the Anil Ambani-owned company a huge defence contract despite the fact that it neither had any industry experience nor any required assets.

The Congress then trained its guns at the defence minister. Surjewala said that the ministry of defence had issued a press release on February, 7, 2018, which said, “…no Indian Offset Partner for the 2016 deal for 36 Rafale Aircrafts has been so far selected by the vendor (Dassault Aviation) because as per the applicable guidelines, Dassault Aviation is free to select the Indian Offset Partners and provide their details at the time of seeking offset credits, or one year prior to discharge of offset obligation”.

However, he said that RIL had issued a press release a year earlier on February 16, 2017, to announce that it had secured the offset contract in the Rafale deal. “Even Dassault Aviation in its Annual Report 2016-17 has claimed that ‘offset contract’ is being executed by Reliance.” Surjewala said.

“Simple question is, who is lying – Defence Minister, Nirmala Sitharaman or Reliance/Dassault Aviation,” he asked.

He further said that if Dassault was free to choose its offset partner, as the defence ministry claims, it would be a clear violation of guidelines in such matters.

The defence ministry set up a permanent ‘Defence Offset Management Wing’ (DOMW) and issued ‘Defence Offset Contract Guidelines’ for all ‘offset contracts’ in 2016. Surjewala said that multiple clauses in these guidelines made by the Modi government warrant all offset proposals and their progress will have to be approved and monitored by the defence minister and the “acquisition manager” in the defence ministry. The guidelines also said that six-monthly audits have to be conducted by ministry officials.

“My questions to the government are as follows: Can Reliance and Dassault Aviation sign an ‘offset contract’ of Rs.30,000 crore without the approval of the defence minister? Has the ‘offset contract’ been countersigned by the ‘acquisition manager’ of the defence ministry? Why have the six-monthly audits by DOMW not been conducted? Has the ‘Acquisition Wing’ submitted an Annual Report to ‘Defence Acquisition Council’? Can a private corporate entity and supplier of the defence equipment in the largest defence deal of the country be permitted to wholly gloss over the Defence Offset Contract Guidelines/Instructions,” Surjewala asked, alleging that none of these regulations were followed in the offset deal.

To substantiate his charge that the Rafale deal was a case of cronyism, he highlighted a separate contract around the same time of the Rafale deal in which RDL’s sister company, Reliance Aerostructure Ltd benefitted.

“Another subsidiary of RIL, Reliance Aerostructure Ltd (RAL), was given the license to manufacture fighter aircraft in 2016 around the same time when RDL got the offset contract in the Rafale deal. Intriguingly, Reliance Aerostructure Ltd. was given the license to manufacture fighter aircraft by the Defence Ministry but it did not own any land or building on the date (it was awarded) the license February 22, 2016. What is even more surprising is the fact that even Reliance Aerostructure Ltd was incorporated on April 24, 2015, i.e 14 days after the announcement of purchase of 36 Rafale aircraft by PM in France on April 10, 2015,” Surjewala said.

He alleged that RAL was granted an Industrial Licence for Category A, High Security Defence Production in violation of several rules and acts like the Industries (Development and Regulation) Act, 1951, the Registration and Licensing of Industrial Undertaking Rules, 1952 and new Arms Rules, 2016.

“In its license application for manufacturing fighter aircrafts, Reliance Aerostructure Ltd. has given its address and location as ‘Survey No. 589, Taluka Jafrabad, Village Lunsapur, District Amreli, Gujarat’. At that time, these premises were not owned by Reliance Aerostructure Ltd. The aforesaid address belonged to ‘Pipavav Defence and Offshore Engineering Co. Ltd.’ Even on the date of license i.e 22.02.2016, Reliance Aerostructure Ltd. did not own the land or building at the aforesaid address. It was Reliance Defence Ltd. that acquired the company only on 18.01.2016 and name was then changed to Reliance Defence and Engineering Limited.”

He cited the company’s annual report 2015-16, page number 5 to substantiate his allegation. Similarly, he said even RAL was allotted 104 acres in Mihan SEZ, Nagpur, Maharashtra on 28 August 2015 for around Rs 63 crore, which was paid only in July, 2017. “So when the RAL was awarded the license to manufacture fighter aircrafts, it technically had no assets of its own. Is the Modi government serious about our country’s security?”

Calls to two BJP leaders went unanswered at the time of writing. The story will be updated if and when the BJP’s response comes. Until now, although the Rafale deal has been a point of discussion in the public domain for over an year, the government has yet to give a factual rejoinder. The Congress’s allegations have opened a can of worms. If the government still chooses to be unresponsive, the Rafale deal may very well prove to be BJP’s own Bofors scam.

Our Correspondent

Anantnag, July 21

Militants on Saturday carried out attacks on security forces in Anantnag and Kulgam districts of the state, the police said.In the first incident, security forces were targeted in the Mattan area of Anantnag district along the Khannabal-Pahalgam road. The road is heavily guarded these days in view of the ongoing Amarnath yatra. There was, however, no pilgrim movement along the road when the attack took place, sources said. No loss of life or injuries was reported.Altaf Khan, SSP, said the attack took place around 1 pm. “They fired at a joint party of the police and the CRPF. The fire was retaliated. No one was injured. A hunt to nab the militants is on,” said Khan.In the second incident, militants opened fire at an Army patrol in Havoora village of Kulgam around 3:30 pm.“No one was hurt in the firing,” a senior police officer said, adding that a hunt had been launched to nab the militants.Gunfight along LoC in TangdharA brief gunfight broke out near the LoC in the Tangdhar sector in Kupwara district on Saturday when a group of infiltrating militants fired at an Army patrol in the Balthedyan area. “The Army has launched a massive combing operation in the sector,” sources said. Meanwhile, two overground workers of the Lashkar-e-Toiba were arrested in Sopore on Saturday, the police said. TNS/PTI

Uttarakashi, July 21: A body of one of the victims of 1968 Indian Air Force plane crash was found along with some parts of the aircraft at the Dhaka glacier base camp. The plane’s wreckage was found during a cleanliness drive organized by Indian Mountaineering Foundation at the Dhaka glacier base camp on July 1.

On 7 February 1968, an Antonov An-12 twin engine turboprop transport aircraft of the Indian Air Force disappeared while flying to Leh Airport from Chandigarh International Airport. While on approach to Leh the pilot decided to turn back due to inclement weather, the aircraft then went missing with the last radio contact over the Rohtang pass. It was declared missing after the failure to find the wreck. Previous recovery: In 2003 members of the Himalayan Mountaineering Institute who were trekking on the South Dakka Glacier came across the remains of a human body. The body was identified as Sepoy Beli Ram, a soldier of the Indian Army who was on the flight. On 9 August 2007 an Indian Army expedition code named Operation Punaruthan-III, recovered three more bodies. From 2003 till 2009 three search expeditions have been carried out with the recovery of four bodies. The crash location lies at a height of about 18,000 ft 0 in (5,486.40 m), at a gradient of 80 degrees. On 21 July 2018 the Times of India reported that a mountaineering team at the Chandrabhaga-13 peak had found a body at the Dhaka glacier base camp.The team has found wreckage of the plane along with the remains of a soldier.

Read more at: https://www.oneindia.com/india/body-of-soldier-killed-in-1968-iaf-plane-crash-recovered-2739470.html

Officer cadre restructuring: Army mulls doing away with Brigadier rank 

Indian Navy regularly sends adventure expeditions to the Meghalaya caves, but diving in submerged caves is yet to be attempted.

It was the most daring operation in recorded history to rescue 12 boys and their coach stranded in Thailand’s flooded Tham Luang cave complex after 17 days of being underground. It will now become a case study in 21st century globalisation, leadership, crisis management, utilisation of technological resources and human skills coupled with efficient international coordination. It will also serve as a great precedent in the world of rescue operations in caves, mines and other underwater subterranean spaces. This will be something that future divers will study and be sure to learn from.

In India, most caving exercises are centered in Meghalaya. There are more than 1,200 caves and only about 400 of them have been explored. Indian Navy regularly sends adventure expeditions over there, but diving in submerged caves is yet to be attempted. The Marine Commandos and divers of the Indian Navy are qualified to undertake this kind of operation. In the past, the Navy has undertaken diving operations in the flooded Kolkata metro tunnel in 1991, and also some coal mines. However, the capability of cave diving per se does not exist.

The Tham Luang operation can be divided into three phases: search, rescue, and revival.

Search

The search phase lasted from 24 June to 2 July when the young ‘Wild Boars’ soccer team was located four km inside the caves, 800-1,000 meters below the surface of the Doi Nang Non mountains of Chian Rai province in northern Thailand. To facilitate quick search and rescue in the location and with the prevalent monsoon conditions, it was essential that the rising water levels in the caves be controlled, which posed the main threat to the safety of the trapped group.

The advanced technological capability of submersible pumps to de-water the caves came to the rescue and neutralised the threat of even more flooding. Round the clock pumping out of the water led to most of the cave length being walkable or at least ensured that the total dive time was reduced drastically. It was reported that nearly 120 million litres of water were pumped out over 75 hours, reducing the water levels by around 40 per cent. The submersible pumps installed deep inside the caves removed an estimated 16,00,000 litres of water per hour.

The Czech Republic and India had offered four of these pumps each, showing how camaraderie comes into play between nations in times of humanitarian crisis. Additionally, drones with powerful zoom cameras and thermal imaging were used to create a 3D image replica of the mountain to ascertain the water flow and divert it away from the caves and the location of the group specifically. The reduced level of water now facilitated the establishment of a support base 1.5 km inside the caves where hundreds of air cylinders and other necessary equipment were transported with the help of wire-pulley systems. Waterproof electric cables and lights were installed for better visibility and power requirements. This support base proved crucial for the search divers and extended their reach inside the caves along with prolonging their dive time and providing the trapped group various essentials and sustenance.

Rescue

The rescue phase lasted for eight days commencing on 3 July. This posed its own challenges primarily because the oxygen level down in the caves were reduced to 15 per cent as opposed to the normal 20-21 per cent in our atmosphere. The group was weak due to the lack of adequate food, water, and fresh air. To prevent hypoxia setting in, an air supply line was rigged into the chamber by 6 July. In addition to this, the group was supplied with high protein foods, vitalising liquids, necessary painkillers and antibiotics. A medic along with three divers were positioned with the group to boost their morale and teach them basic swimming and diving skills.

Fiber optic cables were laid up till the group so that they could communicate with the outside world, which would ensure that the spirits of the boys and their families outside along with the rest of the world stayed up. Apart from rescue by diving, the options of drilling an escape shaft and also waiting for the rains to subside were kept open and mulled over.

The Thai authorities had the benefit of advice and help from around a hundred diving experts and thousands of support professionals from across the world. Elon Musk of Tesla and Space X fame even left behind a mini-submarine if required. Israeli company Meshtec provided 17 hi-tech walkie-talkies to enable communication between the rescue teams deep within the cave. These sets could relay and broadcast data and video beyond the line of sight. It proved to be very useful and was responsible for the whole world remaining updated about what was happening in the caves.

In keeping with the adage ‘old is gold’, low-frequency radio sets developed 20 years ago in Britain, which could penetrate through hundreds of meters of solid rock were also provided. To overcome the problem of muddy waters and poor visibility, the divers rigged eight mm guidelines and divers were equipped with long endurance underwater flashlights. Navigation of narrow/tiny crevices and passages was made possible by the use of smaller, lightweight carbon fiber air cylinders which could be pressurised beyond 3,000 psi for longer endurance and dive times. The improved full face masks with positive pressure inside ensured easy breathing and zero leakage. This technology coupled with the latest diving suits and flexible stretchers proved useful in sedating the group and avoiding the risk of making them dive and swim. The method of rescue by sedation and carrying of the rescued persons’ air cylinders by the lead diver proved to be the most efficient.

Revival

After the rescue, the boys were quarantined in the city hospital to check their vitals and for their recovery to good health. It may still take a week or two before they are fully recuperated.

The Thai cave rescue was a combination of advances in technology, human selfless endeavour, the organising capability of the Thai authorities, and ready support of the locals and the world that won the day against all odds.

The author is the Founding Director of the recently established Kahnoji Angre Maritime Research Institute, Nashik. He was commissioned in the Executive Branch of the Indian Navy in July 1982,and later joined the Marine Commando cadre of the Navy. He was the Principal Director of Diving and Special Ops Dpt at NHQ Delhi.

There is another round of anguish in army circles. After the army chief General Bipin Rawat banned golf in Srinagar last week because it seemed inappropriate in a conflict zone for officers to be playing golf, there is a sense of dismay. It is believed the chief was on a visit to the area when he spotted officers on the course even as the bodies of slain military personnel were being brought to Srinagar. Unseemly? Of course, it is. So an incensed General ostensibly said, enough of this nonsense. Ban the bloody game.

It is also just the kind of story to sell to civilians. And the public. No one in uniform will ever accept that officers would continue playing golf if it was a time to salute the fallen. It just does not happen. The military mindset and the espirit de corps would not allow any officer to be so crass. If at all anything like this incident this occurred it was inadvertent, in no way deliberate.

But that said, stopping golf in an area where the military is operationally active makes sense from the point of view of security and just the fact that it doesn’t look right. The reason why the army officers are livid is because they see it as the next ugly milestone on the dissolution of the armed forces’ identity. First, the cantonments were open to all. For no good reason, seeing as how keeping the armed forces in barracks so to speak is acceptable in all armies of the world. Military areas are restricted zones.

Then the link to this ‘improper conduct’ makes the Srinagar decision even more suspect because that grandstanding wasn’t necessary. Why not just pass the order banning golf without the indictment?

It gives the impression of callous, uncaring, thoughtless officers messing about with woods and putters while their men are dying. Come on, that is a load of nonsense. But a peg was needed to justify the move and this was easy to market peg.

And the message that these officers are sharing has sinister connotations. It says: ‘The Army, as per a report published in The Indian Express in 2015, operates around 100 luxury golf courses and sports clubs on approximately 8,000 acres of the government property. The Public Accounts Committee (PAC) of Parliament had in 2011 said that golf could not be taken into consideration as a ‘military activity.’

No one asked why not?

Just the links in the US Club Mumbai would be worth Bill Gates’ fortune in real estate terms. There are nearly a hundred others all over the country.

The BBC ran a story in 2011 where it said: The report by the Comptroller and Auditor General described the army’s management of its huge land holdings as dismal. It found that at least 32 sq km (12 square miles) of rent-free land had been handed to a privately-run company, Army Zone Golf, which operates 97 luxury golf courses.

By the same token, as civvy street suddenly realises how much prime real estate and property lies in the control of the armed forces, it is like the authorities have found Alibaba’s cave and a mountain of treasure. When Service chiefs begin to view things from the point of view of the civilians it does get a little murky. By this measure, tennis, squash, bridge and rummy should also be stopped in Srinagar because soldiers do not play them. All the polo fields should be turned into farmland.

Uhhmm., what about rifle ranges, miles of open land just to fire bullets and shells at paper targets. Maybe they can fire practice on cyber targets and playstations? Where does it end?

The next step in this poorly disguised land grab exercise are the clubs in the cantonments where service officers are members. That and the regimental and battalion messes are active in some of the most expensive central urban enclaves. The clubs where officers only meet in the evenings and Sundays, usually with families to play Bingo, and ease up would be worth their weight in gold if reworked into guest houses for politicians and bureaucrats.

The latest message while genially insulting the General does make one valid point: General, there are a million other more productive/innovative ways of showing solidarity.

For a start, get them better equipment, get them better rations, build more accommodation for the jawans…the list is endless.

This fear of dismantling the military apparatus is now very real, and the sore point is that if four-star officers in the lead begin to accept this diktat and support it, that is pretty much letting the side down. Surely, there are larger problems in the nation than going after the uniform.

Srinagar, July 11

Northern Army chief Lt Gen Ranbir Singh, while concluding his tour to Kashmir, visited the forward areas of the Valley to review the prevailing security situation and strategy for counter-infiltration and counter-terrorist operations.Accompanied by Chinar Corps chief Lt Gen AK Bhatt, the Army chief visited forward posts in the frontier district of Kupwara where he was briefed on the counter-infiltration grid and operational preparedness of the formations. The Army chief was appreciative of the measures and the standard operating procedures instituted by the units and formations to meet the challenges posed by the inimical elements.During his interaction with the soldiers on ground, he lauded them for their high level of morale and round-the-clock vigil which they maintain to thwart infiltration bids by the terrorists. The Army chief exhorted them to continue to work with same zeal and dedication to defeat the enemy’s hostile designs. — TNS

Brig Gurinder Singh (Retd)

In the Army, it is not unusual to find real brothers or cousins serving together in the same unit, especially in caste and region-based regiments as parental and sibling claim is given due consideration while assigning battalions. Not only multiple pairs of brothers, but also father and son serve in the same company and battalion. As a young officer, I saw a Havildar who chose to be the Guard Commander at the Quarter Guard on the last day of his service with his son (who had joined the battalion a week earlier) as a sentry.Subedar Prem Singh was one such proud father whose son Subhash joined our paltan while he was still in service. While Subedar Prem, stout and handsome, had been a wrestler of repute in his youth, Subhash was thinly built and barely met the basic Army physical standards. He managed to pass the mandatory physical tests with some push from his colleagues, a bit leniency of the officers and abusive threats from his father.Subhash had an uncanny knack of misinterpreting a simple order and executing it in exactly the opposite manner and justify it too. He surprised everyone with his misadventures where ever he was assigned any duty. But his father continued to harbour high hopes for him. In 1985 when our battalion was in Dagshai (HP), Subedar Prem’s request for the family quarter was accepted. He arranged Subhash to proceed on leave with the instruction ‘Maa ko le aana’. The ever obedient son left for his home in Ghaziabad. Meanwhile, Subedar saheb took charge of his new quarter, arranged furniture and prepared himself to live with the family for some time before retiring a year later. He was determined to spend some quality time after years of separation. He also made plans to take the family to Shimla and Kasauli.On the day of Subhash’s return, Subedar saheb dyed his greying moustache and whatever hair on his mostly bald head. He double-checked every detail at the newly allotted quarter and reached the Dharampur Railway Station well ahead of the scheduled arrival of the narrow gauge train from Kalka. He also arranged some chai-pakora to welcome memsaheb at the platform.Finally the train arrived and Subhash alighted from the train with a couple of suitcases and then extended his hand to help Maa get down. An 80- year-old lady emerged and slowly walked towards the reception party. Furious, Prem Singh dragged Subhash to the side and shouted, ‘Arre, maine teri Maa ko lane ke liye kaha tha meri nahi, nalayak!’ (I asked you to bring your mother not mine). Unapologetic, Subhash retorted, ‘Apne bola tha maa ko lana, meri ya teri ka nahi kaha tha’ (you asked me to bring mother, but didn’t specify whose). In 2006, Prem Singh came to my house and presented me a can of homemade ghee. When I asked him the reason, he said: ‘Subhash thik-thak pension aagaya hai aap logon ki meharbani se.’