Monthly Archives: August 2018

Gauri Chhabra

In a path-breaking move, the Indian Army opened combat positions for women, a gender barrier broken by only a few countries globally. The role of women in the armed forces for a long time was limited to the medical profession, that is doctors and nurses. In 1992, the doors were thrown open for women’s entry as regular officers in aviation, logistics, law, engineering and executive cadres. Thousands of spirited young women applied against advertisements and it was a turning point in the history of the Indian Army. In the recent years, steps have been taken to make armed forces more women inclusive by enabling them to serve on submarines, in ground combat positions and tank units. In February 2016, President Pranab Mukherjee announced that women will be allowed to take up combat roles in all sections of the Indian Armed Forces, signalling a radical move towards gender parity in one of the world’s most male-dominated professions. A few months ago, the Integrated Headquarters of the Ministry of Defence has asked all wings of the Army to come up with suggestions for roles for women. In October, the government took the first steps towards bringing women into combat roles and approved air force plans for female pilots to fly warplanes from June 2017, on a three-year experimental basis.

Getting in

The Indian Armed Forces are the federal military forces of the Union of Republic of India. It consists of four professional uniformed services: The Indian Army, Indian Navy, Indian Air Force and Indian Coast Guard. Recruitment is voluntary, which implies that every citizen of India is eligible to be a part of it, provided he/she fulfils the specified criteria for selection. Manpower in each of the services is broadly divided into commissioned officers, JCO’s (Junior Commissioned Officers) and other ranks, based on their qualifications and seniority.

Selection process

The procedure for becoming a lady officer in the army is the same as the one followed for men. The candidates have to clear a written exam — CDSE in this case — or there is direct shortlisting on the basis of cutoff percentage, like in the SSC-Tech and NCC entries. After getting selected in the initial process that is written or getting shortlisted, Service Selection Board(SSB) calls are made. The women candidates are called at various selection centres of the Indian Army. Post getting recommended in the SSB, which is a two-stage process, — after clearing stage I you advance to stage II — medical examination of successful candidates is conducted. The All India Merit List decides the final entries, based on the vacancies.Currently, women in the non-medical cadre, serve as Short Service Commissioned (SSC) officers. Under this commission, they can serve in the armed forces for a period ranging from 5-14 years. On release, they can pursue a career in the civil sector. SSC officers are released with gratuity and can avail some benefits as ex-service person, but they do not get pension.  Women in the medical branch that is doctors and nurses can serve as Permanent Commissioned (PC) officers and are eligible for pension after retirement. They also have the option to serve as SSC officers.Here is the list of branches, in which eligible women candidates serve as Short Service Commissioned officers…ArmyThe Combined Defence Services (CDS) examination is conducted twice a year by the Union Public Service Commission for recruitment into the Indian Military Academy (IMA), Officers Training Academy (OTA), Indian Naval Academy (INA) and Indian Air Force Academy (AFA).Girls are only eligible for Officers Training Academy (OTA). The other three —  IMA, AFA and  INA — are only for men candidates. NCC special entry: You can take the NCC Special entry exam if you are an NCC women cadet. The qualification needed is: The candidate should be between 19-25 years of age. The candidate must have completed a degree with 50 per cent aggregate.JAG entry: This entry is for the law graduates. Age limit is between 21-27 years. Education qualification should be LLB degree.Air ForceAir Force Common Admission Test (AFCAT) is a written exam conducted by Indian Air Force twice a year to induct officers in the IAF. The written exam is followed by Air Force Selection Board Interview for shortlisted candidates.  The air force entry is possible for women through the AFCAT. The candidates should be a graduate from any stream with physics and Maths in Class XII.NavyPresently, the women are recruited for ATC, observer, law, logistics, education, naval architecture streams.Short Service Commissioned Officer Under University Entry Scheme (UES): Women candidates who fall between19-25 years of age. Educational qualification: Should have completed B.E/B.Tech degree in Naval Architecture / Mechanical / Civil / Aeronautical/ Metallurgical/ Aerospace engineering with an aggregate of 60 per cent are eligible. SSC Naval Architecture: The candidate appearing for this exam should be between 21-25 years of age and should have completed B.E/B.Tech in Computer Science, IT, Electrical, Electronics, Mechanical or M.Sc in physics/ maths/ computer application, with at least 50 per cent marks.SC ATC: The candidate should be 19-25 years of age. The candidate should have completed B.E/ B.Tech (any discipline) with 60 per cent marks from a recognised university/ institution with maths and physics in Class XII.SSC Observer: The candidate should be between 19-24 years of age and should have completed B.E/ B.Tech in any discipline with minimum 55 per cent marks from a recognised university/ institution with maths and physics in Class XII.SSC Logistics: The candidate should be within 19-25 years of age. Educational qualification: B.Tech/ B.E (any discipline), MBA with First Class, B.Sc/ B.Com/ B.Sc(IT) with first division and a Post Graduate Diploma in Material Management/ Finance/ Logistics/ Supply Chain Management.Catering billetsM.Sc (Hotel Management)/ MBA (Hotel Management)/ BSc or BA with First Class and a Post Graduate Diploma in Hotel Management.SSC education: The candidate should be between 21- 25 years of age. 

• B.E/ B.Tech/ M.Tech in IT/ Computer Science Engg / Electrical & Electronics/ Electronics & Telecommunication/ Electronics & Instrumentation / Mechanical/ Electronics and Communication/ Instrumentation/ Telecommunication.
• M.Sc (maths) with physics in B.Sc /M.Sc (physics) with maths in B.Sc / M.Sc (Operational Research)/ M.Sc (Analysis).
• MCA (physics or maths at graduation level).
• M.A (english) / M.A (history).

Indian Coast GuardWomen are recruited in Coast Guard only as officers in General Duty (Pilot / Navigation) and General Duty (CPL Holders, Short Service entry) branches. The selection process for women is similar to that of male candidates. Assistant Commandant (GD)-SSA: General Duty (Short Service Appointment for a period of eight years, which may be extended to ten years and can be further extended upto 14 years). Age limit: 21-25 years (Five years relaxation for SC/ST and three years for OBC) Bachelor’s Degree in any discipline from any recognised university by central/ state government/ UGC with mathematics and physics as subjects upto Class XII.

Assistant Commandant (Law)

Age limit: 21-30 years (Five years relaxation for government employees)(i) A degree in law (ii) Knowledge/ Experience connected with International Law/ Maritime LawTAKE THE CHALLENGE HEAD ON As commissioned officers are between the age of 22-23 years, they may often have subordinates older than their parents. Hence, from day one, it is a challenge and leadership qualities are under test. An officer may have to work in tough terrains or difficult circumstances. Most women, however, who undergo training as cadets in various military academies, cope up with various difficult situations easily. Being a transferable job, transfers and movements are seen as unique travel opportunities to remote locations in the country. 

Indian and Pakistani flags flutter at the Attari-Wagah border in August 2017. Tribune file photo

Attari, January 18

The war of flags between India and Pakistan at the Attari-Wagah joint check post (JCP) is set for a renewal with the authorities on the Indian side readying to make the Tricolour flutter once again on top of a 360-foot-tall flagpole at Attari.While the Pakistani national flag has been fluttering since last August, the Indian flag had to be taken off on a few occasions last year as strong winds along the border belt have repeatedly damaged the Tricolour.The Amritsar Improvement Trust (AIT), which manages the Indian flag at Attari, has handed over the task of hoisting and maintenance of the flag to Delhi-based company Fast Track. The company manages the giant national flag fluttering at Central Park in New Delhi’s busy Rajiv Chowk.The AIT has given the contract for maintaining the flag to the company for over Rs 46 lakh annually. The pole and flag were installed last year at a cost of Rs 3.5 crore. The flag, which got damaged four times, has been replaced five times at a cost of Rs 6 lakh each time. Even though the Pakistani flag is fluttering on a higher 400-foot pole, the Indian authorities have decided to keep the Tricolour at a height of 360 feet only.India had pipped Pakistan in this war of flags by hoisting the flag in March last year, much ahead of Pakistan’s move to hoist a flag near the JCP. However, the Indian flag had to be taken off from the pole as the strong winds repeatedly damaged it. The main reason for this was that the Tricolour is made, as per specifications, from khadi material which could not sustain itself at the height of 360 feet. The Pakistani flag is reported to be made from a finer and stronger material. — IANS

CM Capt Amarinder Singh’s chief adviser Tejinder Shergill (R) hands over a cheque to family members of Lance Naik Gurmail Singh at Alkare village in Amritsar on Monday. Tribune photo

Tribune News Service

Amritsar, January 1

Tributes were paid to Lance Naik Gurmail Singh during his bhog and antim ardas ceremony at his native village, Alkare, in the district today.Chief Minister Capt Amarinder Singh’s chief adviser Tejinder Singh Shergill gave Rs 5 lakh to the bereaved family as ex gratia grant and paid homage on behalf of the state government. He promised to provide a government job to Gurmail’s kin. He said he would urge the government to upgrade the village school and name it after the martyr.Gurmail was killed in the Keri sector along the Line of Control in Rajouri district after Pakistani troops violated ceasefire on December 23. Col Amarbir Singh Chahal, Deputy Director, Social Security and Welfare, said the Centre would pay around Rs 90 lakh to Gurmail’s family, while the state would give Rs 12 lakh and a government job. The Sainik Welfare Department contributed Rs 25,000. His Army division gave Rs 1 lakh to the martyr’s kin as immediate relief.The political leaders present included ex-minister Bikram Singh Majithia, Bhagwant Singh Sachhar, Sawinder Singh Kathunangal, Laxmi Kanta Chawla, Sukhjinder Raj Singh Lalli Majithia and Veer Singh Lopoke. Majithia demanded Rs 1 crore as compensation for Gurmail Singh’s family and a government job to a family member.Gurmail, who was the breadwinner of the family, is survived by wife Kuljit Kaur and daughter Vipindeep Kaur (8). He has also left behind father Tarsem Singh, mother Gurmeet Kaur, younger brother Harpeet Singh and sister Daljit Kaur.Gurmail had joined the armed forces around 14 years ago. Over a month ago, he had visited his village.

Captain Amarinder Singh

The year 2017 was momentous for Punjab, whose people voted for a much-needed political change. Today, as I look back at the year gone by, I recall that moment when, on March 11, I received the people’s mandate to lead the state into the future. There was, of course, a lot of anger in that mandate against the previous regime. More importantly, however, there was much hope and optimism, as the people of Punjab welcomed the Congress government with open arms to bring them out of the debris of ruin into which they had been plunged over the previous decade.To say that I felt humbled by this mandate would be an understatement. I, and I am sure every other member of our party, was truly overwhelmed as we took on the onerous responsibility which the people had handed over to us. (Follow The Tribune on Facebook; and Twitter @thetribunechd)It took us some time to come to terms with the harsh realities facing us, and as we started unravelling the depth of the havoc which the erstwhile government had wreaked on our beloved state, we realised that the task before us was daunting to the extreme. We had the option of sitting and crying, and spending the next one year blaming the Akali-BJP leadership for what they had done to the state, or getting down to fulfilling our poll promises one by one. We chose the latter.Nine months is hardly any time to judge the success or failure of a government elected for five years, especially considering the mess we have inherited on every front. Yet, we have managed to not only implement many of our key election promises but, in fact, have set the ball rolling for the others. It is not my intention here to list out all the work we have done in this short period of time. But it does give me pleasure to share some of the promised tasks we have successfully executed.  And let me clarify that I am doing so, not because I want to brag about our achievements but, more importantly, to put an end to the Opposition’s campaign to mislead the people of the state with their blatant deceits and falsehoods.Let me begin by talking about the crop loan waiver issue, which the Opposition has been trying to use as a missile to fire at my government at every opportunity. Frankly, we could have easily taken refuge in the stark reality of empty coffers to push back the implementation of this promise, which has a huge financial implication. We chose not to do that, as we realised the gravity of the problems faced by the farmers, as a result of the lopsided policies of the previous government. A few days from now, I will be formally launching the farm debt waiver scheme, which will eventually go on to benefit 10.25 lakh of the worst-hit farmers in the state. This will be in addition to all the other steps we have taken for the welfare of the farming community, including abolition of kurki, take-over of loans of farmers who committed suicide, and hike in kharaba compensation from Rs 8,000 to Rs 12,000 per acre.  And, of course, you are all aware of the unprecedented hassle-free procurement of wheat and rice, which has helped bring some semblance of security back into the lives of our beleaguered farmers.Moving now to another critical promise of my government, the new industrial policy, complete with power subsidy and an end to the free reign of the transport unions, is already a reality. And it has started showing tangible results by bringing in substantial investment and business to the state, which had been witnessing large-scale closure of industries over the past 10 years. From contributing to the state’s economic development, to generating the much-needed employment for our youth, I see this policy yielding excellent results in the new year, and ahead.Drugs is another issue on which, notwithstanding the Opposition’s attempts to project the contrary, our accomplishment on the ground is self-evident. For those who do not believe in numbers (though there are enough numbers to show that our efforts to destroy the drugs mafia have resulted in resounding success), I would like to point to the virtual non-availability of drugs in the open market to show that we have, well and truly, succeeded in breaking the backbone of the drugs mafia. Some of the big fish might have managed to evade arrest so far, but the day is not far when they would land in the police net, and meet the fate that is inevitable, considering the seriousness of their crime.An important aspect of our accomplishments so far, which definitely requires mention here, is the various social welfare initiatives that have paved the way for the upliftment of the underprivileged sections of the society. Hike in social security pension and financial assistance under the Ashirwad scheme, besides increase in reservation for OBCs in educational institutions and for SCs in all government schemes, are some of the measures we have implemented on this count. Women empowerment, rural and urban infrastructure development, in addition to improvement in education and health welfare, have also been high on our implementation agenda.From improved law and order, to decline in the cases of sacrilege, the overall enrichment in the lives of the people of Punjab is not something that even the most pessimist can easily deny. It was my promise to bring to book those responsible for victimisation of innocent people through false cases, and the process is well under way. As mentioned earlier, this is not a comprehensive list. But this should suffice to show the commitment with which we have embarked on our journey to bring Punjab’s development and growth back on track. The beginning has been made, and made well. And as they say, well begun is half done. The momentum has been set for the next four-plus years that we still have to go. And, if need be, I am quite prepared to take on the mantle of Punjab’s governance again after the end of this term to ensure that the state is not thrown back on the path of regression from which it has just started to recover. My promises are sacrosanct, and I will stand by them, whatever it takes for me and my government.Finally, Happy New Year, my Punjabi brethren. May it bring peace, happiness and prosperity in your lives.(The writer is the Chief Minister of Punjab)

In one frame: India should facilitate ASEAN ties and not be seen as a cog in the wheel.

Sandeep Dikshit

PRIME  Minister Narendra Modi had us decidedly in thrall with the India-ASEAN commemorative summit. Disbelievers will dismiss it as yet another extremely well-crafted event; that the PM got 10 times as much camera time greeting his chief guests than he would have had with one, unless a Trump or an Obama was on the Republic Day podium.Like the 2015 Africa Union summit, this wasn’t a turnout of leaders from countries only the inveterate foreign policy wallah could relate to. Situated across the Indo-China cultural fault line, each of the ASEAN countries hosts Indian diasporas and the subcontinent’s cultural footprint. These are the places an average Indian, outside his shores, feels most comfortable in.The enormous energy of the Indian state devoted to persuading 10 heads of state to simultaneously attend the Republic Day parade served well the government’s own description about its management of foreign policy. The New India definitely seems to be on the march: there were Netanyahu’s gushing words for India and Modi; Indian diplomats and military officials huddle with peers from the US, Australia and Japan as part of a Great Game in the South China Sea; the PM’s serenading of world leaders touches unexplored dimensions with equally hearty reciprocity.The chink in this grand alliance-in-the making is the extraordinary focus on maritime cooperation with near-neighbours and the strained political relationship with two neighbours with disputed land borders. This brings with it factors that seek to limit Indian influence. Pakistan is a stumbling block only in Afghanistan. Its posture of inveterate hostility to India compels only a few Arab countries to recalibrate their ties: Saudi Arabia’s security ties with Pakistan, for instance, are too intimate to entertain a military dalliance with India. The China factor does not complicate India’s calculations in dealing with West Asia as yet, though that could change. India has a default advantage in Europe because of the EU’s proscription on military trade with China on human rights considerations.But China does matter in the ASEAN. In fact, Trump’s presence at the previous ASEAN summit overshadowed its political turnaround since the US set it up as a grouping of nations under its military umbrella to check communist influence. The countries which ASEAN was supposed to counter — Laos, Vietnam, Myanmar and Cambodia — have joined the club.The foreign travel itinerary of top leaders from Vietnam, the ASEAN member reckoned to be most at odds with China, reveals its careful balancing: every high-level Vietnamese visit to Washington, New Delhi or Tokyo is carefully set-off against a stopover in Beijing. In deference to China, Vietnam narrowed the terms of MoU with India promising it oil wells in the South China Sea. Vietnam had promised to allot the wells during the tenure of Manmohan Singh when Indian political management of ties with China was a key South Block priority. The narrowing of Vietnam’s offer took place when Sino-Indian ties were in a prolonged trough.Despite a background of occasional military clashes with China on the South China Sea dispute, not one of the 10 ASEAN countries has shown inclination to be drawn in an adversarial alliance of extra maritime powers. The ASEAN’s feeble desire for a military option towards China grates uncomfortably against India’s enthusiastic endorsement of the Quad concept: four democracies with large navies ensuring a free Indo-Pacific. It began with the ASEAN summit that Trump attended. There was a veneer of a political alliance with no military overtones at the first Quad meeting because the conferrers were all career diplomats. But the symbolism about its military fist was not lost when naval chiefs from all the four Quad nations — Australia, India, the US and Japan — appeared together at an event generously underwritten by the Indian Foreign Office.India’s troubled security and political ties with China have a spillover effect on the economic front in ASEAN. The Chinese projects on the north-south axis are at an advanced stage of implementation. India has proposed projects mostly on an east-west axis and needs to activate consultation channels with China to ensure they are not dead in water.The Chinese advantage of being a much early entrant in ASEAN is visible in the form of the world’s biggest industrial supply chain that begins from East and South East Asia and terminates in China. India needs to integrate more of its industrial sectors into this supply chain just like its automotive industry that now provides quality employment to millions of skilled Indians.Sometime in future, India will have to pay back ASEAN for its leaders taking the trouble of travelling to India in unison to boost PM Modi’s domestic rankings. A consultative approach with China to integrate Indian business into the global supply chain may not work out after New Delhi’s security managers badly misread the Chinese signals in Doklam.The only other way India can accommodate ASEAN is by opening its traditional sectors. The Vajpayee government under NDA-I had explored a similar option with the framework Free Trade Agreement with ASEAN. Liberal imports of cash crops like rubber, black pepper, palmolein devastated rural households across South India. At a time of heightened farm distress and amidst BJP’s attempts to enlarge its presence in South India, a similar repayment for the favour by ASEAN leaders will be political suicide.India has taken a position of violation of sovereignty with regards to the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), thus shutting itself out from the project. This may not turn out to be a costly error because Pakistan’s capacity to sustain the required ecosystem for CPEC is uncertain.  However, ASEAN countries are old hands in the world of free economy and the route to India’s partial redemption from unemployment and want lies through these nations.China, however, is the elephant in the room. It cannot be ignored because of its dominant position in ASEAN’s trading calculus. South Block has a lot of political ground to recover and demonstrate flexibility to get into the game in ASEAN.India’s school headmaster approach with smaller neighbours like the Maldives, Nepal and Pakistan has already encountered a blow back. The joint photo event with heads of all SAARC countries during Modi’s swearing-in ceremony is now an embarrassing memory. It later emerged that some SAARC leaders were miffed because they felt used. ASEAN, like SAARC, is too critical to be permitted to suffer a similar fate. The security wallahs need to loosen their grip on India’s foreign policy apparatus if the Indo-ASEAN summit is not to end up as another lost opportunity.

sandeep4731@gmail.com

A US think-tank, Stratfor, has released satellite images of air bases of both countries and said the images were of this month. Photo courtesy: Stratfor

Ajay Banerjee

Tribune News Service

New Delhi, January 27

Despite having announced disengagement at the Doklam Plateau,  India and China have continued with a build-up of military resources on either side.The armies of the two nations were locked in a 73-day (June 16 to August 28, 2017) stand-off at Doklam — the tri-junction of Bhutan, India and China.(Follow The Tribune on Facebook; and Twitter @thetribunechd)A US-based think tank, Stratfor, has released satellite images of airbases of both countries and said “the imagery confirms that both China and India are pursuing a wide-ranging strategic build-up that has only accelerated in the wake of the August agreement (to dis-engage)”.The report ‘Preparing for a rematch at the top of the world’ was released just hours ahead of the Republic Day parade in New Delhi.The think tank said it had analysed four critical airbases, two Chinese and two Indian, that are within range of the Doklam Plateau. It says “…greater level of activity is visible from the imagery of the Chinese airbases near Lhasa (330 km north of Doklam) and Shigatse”. Beijing has added air defence missiles and made a new runaway in December at Shigatse, 225 km north of Doklam, says the report. It also holds deployments of KJ-500 airborne early warning and command aircraft, components of the HQ-9 long-range surface-to-air missile system and Soar Dragon unmanned aerial vehicles. The Chinese made a number of major airfield upgrades at Shigatse after the end of the crisis. Besides the runaway, aircraft aprons measuring 41m by 70m were built along the main taxiway and eight helipads were set up in the northeast corner of the airfield. This construction, along with the deployment of new equipment in  greater numbers, highlights how China has undertaken a serious effort to improve its capabilities close to the LAC. China’s lack of airbases close to the Line of Actual Control (LAC)  forces it to concentrate more of its air power at these bases. The imagery of the two airbases shows a significant presence of fighter aircraft (which peaked in October) and a notable increase in helicopters.On the Indian side of the border, imagery of the Bagdogra airbase and the Hasimara Air Force Station has been released. “It depicts how India has moved to reinforce its air power close to the Doklam Plateau,” says Stratfor.The Indian Air Force has greatly increased the deployment of Su-30MKI warplanes to these airbases as can be seen from the imagery, says the report.The Su-30MKI is India’s premier fighter jet, and it will soon be capable of striking land targets with the advanced BrahMos cruise missile. The dispatch of these top-of-the-line Indian jets and airfield improvements at both stations highlight India’s determination to improve its force structure near the Doklam Plateau, the report said.

Seminar on issues pertaining to medicine procurement under the Ex-Servicemen Contributory Health Scheme #ECHS was held at Command Hospital #WesternCommand. The seminar was attended by Lt Gen Surinder Singh #ArmyCommander #WesternComd, Veterans & other military dignitaries.

Given the enhancing security threats from varied sources and the fact that it is the duty of the Union to protect the states against internal disturbances, a National Security Policy is needed, as also the machinery to implement it.

NN Vohra.

NN Vohra

J&K Governor

IT would be relevant to note that the states have the constitutional responsibility for the maintenance of police and public prder and are vested with powers to make all required laws and to take all necessary executive decisions for ensuring internal security within their jurisdictions. Insofar as the Union is concerned, it has the much larger responsibility of protecting the states against war and external aggression and internal disturbances. While our Constitution makes reference to security and not to national security, it would be incorrect to arrive at the conclusion that the Union and the states have distinct and separate duties for safeguarding the country and providing safety and security to the people of India. 

Understanding national security

It would be useful to have a broad understanding of the term national security. In simple words, national security comprises all facets of external security, which relates to protecting the country’s territories against war and external aggression, and internal security which includes all matters relating to the maintenance of peace and public order across the length and breadth of the country. It needs being recognised that our security concerns relate to innumerable targets and activities within our country and it would no longer do to merely focus on defending our frontiers. I would go to the extent of saying that, today, there is no important institution or activity which is not insecure. It has, thus, become extremely essential to safeguard almost every arena and to particularly secure arrangements relating to food, water, energy, nuclear power, science and technology, environment, ecology, finance, business, commerce, banking, cyber space and other important quarters.

Union-state understandings required

We have neither secured the required Union-state understandings nor developed a pan-India approach which would meet the requirements of a National Security Policy. Insofar as the role of the states is concerned, the Union has not so far been able to convince them to fully accept their constitutional duty to maintain internal security within their jurisdictions. In this context, it needs being stated that, in the years past, a majority of the states have been unable to establish efficient intelligence agencies and maintain well-trained police forces in adequate strength to effectively put down any arising disturbance. Consequently, the states have been perennially relying on the Union for the deployment of Central Armed Police Forces, and even the Army, for the restoration of normalcy in the disturbed areas. Thus, in the past decades, particularly in the North-East region and Punjab, the Union’s Armed Forces have had to be deployed on an extensive scale and for prolonged periods. Among the consequences of such deployments, there have been recurring agitations against the alleged violations of human rights of the affected populations and vociferous demands for the repeal of the Armed Forces Special Powers Act. It is not easy to explain the Government of India’s approach, particularly in the context of the constitutional prescription that it shall be the Union’s duty to protect the states against internal disturbances. Considering the developments which led to the demolition of Babri Masjid, questions have been repeatedly raised about what exactly is the Union’s constitutional responsibility, particularly when it is duly warned and is well aware of an arising conflagration, as was the case before the demolition of Babri Masjid. Furthermore, after the 8/11 terror attack in Mumbai, grave concerns have also been voiced about the Union’s actual capability for dealing with such challenges. There must not be any further delay in promulgating a well-considered National Security Policy which is founded in unambiguous Union-states understandings to work together for collectively safeguarding the country’s unity and territorial integrity. It is a matter for serious concern that the states have not been able to provide adequate budgetary resources for maintaining their police forces in sufficient strength. The states are also reprehensible for interfering with the day-to-day working of the police organisations and politicising their functioning, which has resulted in eroding the discipline, integrity, morale and professionalism of the constabularies. It is regrettable that, to explain their varied failures, the states have been advancing the specious argument that they suffer from paucity of resources and, in any case, it is the responsibility of the Union to provide them adequate funds for the expansion and modernisation of their police forces as under the Constitution, it is the duty of the Union to protect the states against internal disturbances. Over the years, whatever may have been the complexion of the political parties in power, it has been the Union’s general tendency to avoid any confrontation with the states, far less question them about the factors and influences which have been leading to recurring internal disturbances. Consequently, whenever approached by a state in distress, the Union has been, without fail, providing assistance by deploying Central Armed Police Forces, and even the Army, to restore normalcy in the disturbed area. Thus, the Union has concerned itself essentially with dousing fires and has rarely ever questioned the states about the root causes of the disturbances in their areas. The Union has also been hesitant in exercising its authority under Article 256 of the Constitution to issue appropriate directives to the affected states for taking the required actions to timely quell arising disturbances. On the contrary, the practice actually followed in the past decades has been for the Union Ministry of Home Affairs to merely issue “advisories” to the states concerned in regard to the management of emerging situations. Thanks to the Home Ministry’s amiable approach of only issuing cautionary notes to the states concerned, it has not been possible to pre-empt any arising disorder. 

National Security Policy needed

If we recognise the gravity of the progressively enhancing security threats which are emerging from varied sources, from our neighbourhood and beyond, and also remember that it is the duty of the Union to protect every state against internal disturbances, then no more time can be lost in the Union taking immediate initiatives for finalising a holistic National Security Policy and, thereafter, proceeding to establish the required nationwide machinery for implementing it. For securing the required Union-state understandings in the arena of national security management, it would be enormously beneficial if the draft National Security Policy and all major issues relating to its implementation are discussed and settled in meetings with the Chief Ministers under the aegis of the Inter State Council (ISC), which is chaired by the Prime Minister. Once the states have clearly accepted their responsibility to maintain internal security, there would be no reason why they should not become progressively capable of effectively dealing on their own with any arising internal disturbance. And when the States become self-reliant, the Union shall be able to progressively reduce the large-scale deployment of its Armed Forces for dealing with disturbances in the states. In the foregoing context, it needs being noted that except in Jammu and Kashmir, where we are fighting Pakistan’s proxy war, the recurring deployments of the Army elsewhere in the country, for dealing with local insurgencies and internal disturbances in the states, has the rather worrying potential of blunting the Army’s edge and, besides, generating internal problems regarding the operational efficiencies of its officers and men who are recruited, trained and equipped to fight and destroy the enemy at first sight and not to be involved in situations in which the rules of engagement demand considerable restraint. Once the Union has been able to promulgate a bipartisan National Security Policy, the next important step would be to undertake a thorough state- and Union Territory-wise critical review to identify deficiencies in the existing security administration systems. Side by side, it shall be useful to carry out a close critical assessment of the Union’s own wherewithal for discharging its constitutional responsibility to safeguard the nation.  The Union would need to review its obligations on various fronts and, inter alia, enhance allocations to enable the central intelligence agencies to significantly enlarge their capacities for providing timely intelligence to various quarters, at the Centre and in the states. And among their many responsibilities, the intelligence agencies shall need to urgently equip themselves for particularly protecting the defence and governmental establishments, the financial sector and large public and private organisations against cyber crimes.  

Strengthen NIA

Needless to stress, when Union-atates understandings are arrived at in regard to the management of national security, a very important agreement shall have to especially provide for the enactment of an anti-terror law, enforceable in the entire country, which enables the Union agency concerned to take immediate cognisance and launch investigations without having to obtain sanctions and clearances from varied state or Central authorities. As of now, we have only the NIA which was enacted in a rush after the 8/11 terror attack. This statute requires considerable strengthening to ensure immediate cognisance of offences committed anywhere in the country to be followed by prompt investigations. Also, the list of offences covered by this law need to be dynamically reviewed and enlarged and, side by side, attention given to upgrade and enhance the powers and modalities for special investigations. Further, the obtaining procedures for the establishment of Special Courts and the completion of trials within given time frames also need to be urgently reviewed and rationalised. If the NIA is to function as the nodal agency to counter terrorism, cyber crimes and other major threats, it shall need to be provided very strong and prompt support by the Central and state intelligence agencies and by the law enforcement machinery all over the country. Many years have elapsed since it was proposed to establish the National Counter Terrorism Centre (NCTC). If I recall correctly, this proposal was opposed by the states which had demanded that the law to establish NCTC should be passed by the Parliament and, further, that this organisation should be administered by the Union Home Ministry and not by the Intelligence Bureau. These arguments reflect the distrust of the states in the functioning of the security organisations managed by the Union and yet again point to the urgent need for arriving at the required Union-states understandings to lay the bedrock of an effective National Security Policy.  

Trained manpower necessary

I now come to another very critical issue which has continued to be neglected. This relates to the fundamental necessity of ensuring that all security management departments and agencies are manned by personnel who are adequately trained and equipped to perform the sensitive tasks which they are required to handle. Traditionally, appointments to posts at various levels in the Home and Defence Ministries and other security management organisations have been from among various generalist cadres. Over the years, varied problems have arisen because the large majority of those deployed in such important agencies may have had no prior experience of working in the security management arena. Serious personnel-related problems have also been surfacing in the functioning of the Central intelligence agencies, particularly in the Research and Analysis Wing. For want of a well-planned approach, deficiencies have been faced in regard to the availability of the required number of adequately trained and experienced functionaries who are required for manning the various organisations which comprise the Union’s security administration apparatus. Problems relating to the shortage of trained human resource would pose an even larger problem once the National Security Policy has been promulgated and a significantly enlarged apparatus is required to be made operational. Establish a National Security Administrative Service There have been significant shifts in the geo-political environment in our neighbourhood and beyond and there are new threats to our country’s interests and security. In this context, I would yet again stress that we can no longer afford to follow ad hoc and disparate approaches in regard to national security management and the Government of India should not lose any more time in taking the full step to establish a National Security Administrative Service whose constituents, selected on the basis of a pan-India competitive examination, should be got especially trained in the various required areas and deployed to man the Government of India’s security administration system. Thereafter, members of this service could also be progressively allocated to the states for managing their security management machinery.Set up a new dedicated ministryMy concluding observation relates to the need to establish a new ministry which is entirely dedicated to the efficient implementation of every component of the National Security Policy and to keep a close and constant watch to see that the states effectively maintain internal security in their domains. It needs being recognised that the Union Ministry of Home Affairs is faced with ever increasing day to day pressures on varied fronts and its senior echelons are required to deal with a horde of subjects, of which one relates to internal security management. With its existing responsibilities it would be impractical to expect this ministry to devote whole time attention only to security management related issues, all of which require zero delays and immediate decisions. In this context, if national security is to be effectively managed, the time has come to establish a dedicated Ministry of National Security Affairs which is led by a senior Cabinet minister and manned by handpicked and especially trained functionaries drawn from the National Security Administrative Service, which I have earlier proposed. Finally, I would yet again stress that if the sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity of our country is to be effectively protected then it is of the foremost importance that the Union and States act in very close concert to ensure the efficient implementation of the National Security Policy. It is equally necessary that all matters relating to National Security are viewed with utmost concern and prompt decisions are taken to ensure that not the slightest chink is left to subvert the national interest.(Excerpts from the 12th RN Kao Memorial Lecture delivered on Jan 22, 2018 in New Delhi)