Monthly Archives: August 2018

In his first remarks to the UN general assembly, Pakistan PM Shahid Khaqan Abbasi had attacked India, accusing New Delhi of carrying out war crimes in Kashmir. Reuters

New York, September 22

Pakistan has now become ‘terroristan’, India told the United Nations in response to its Prime Minister Shahid Khaqan Abbasi’s emphasis that Islamabad was not prepared to be anyone’s scapegoat.“In its short history, Pakistan has become a geography synonymous with terror. The quest for a land of pure has actually produced the land of pure terror. Pakistan is now Terroristan,” India said, in a statement addressed to the United Nations general assembly president.

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In his first remarks to the UN general assembly, Abbasi had attacked India, accusing New Delhi of carrying out war crimes in Kashmir.”Pakistan demands an international investigation into India’s crimes in Kashmir,” he said and demanded an inquiry Commission be sent to Kashmir “to verify the nature and extent of India’s human rights violations, secure the punishment of those responsible and provide justice and relief to the victims.” “It is extraordinary that the state which protected Osama Bin Laden and sheltered Mullah Omar should have the gumption to play victim. Even as terrorists thrive in Pakistan and roam around its streets with impunity, we have heard it lecture about protection of human rights in India. The world does not need lessons on democracy and human rights from a country whose own situation is charitably described as a failed state,” India led a retaliatory attack on Pakistan.”Pakistan must understand that the state of Jammu and Kashmir is and will always remain an integral part of India. However, much it scales up the cross border terrorism, it will never succeed in undermining India’s territorial integrity,” India’s statement added.The Pakistan prime minister had also added that India was not willing to resume dialogue to resolve the dispute.”To this end, the UN Secretary-General should appoint a Special Envoy on Kashmir,” he said.During his address, Abbasi further said Pakistan has been consistently active in the war against terrorism and that it has lost more to the cause than any other nation.Speaking about the issue of terrorism and the Afghan conflict, the premier said that Pakistan had sacrificed a lot of lives in the war on terror, and nobody desired peace in Afghanistan more than Pakistan.”Our counter-terrorism credentials cannot be questioned. We have lost 2,700 lives and sustained 50,000 injuries in this war,” he said.”From sixteen years of the ongoing war in Afghanistan, it is clear that peace could not be restored by the continuing resort to military force. Neither Kabul and the coalition nor the Afghan Taliban can impose military solution on each other.” “Apart from Afghanistan, Pakistan and its people have suffered the most from four decades of foreign intervention and civil wars in Afghanistan,” he added.During his 20-minute speech, Abbasi stated that Taliban safe havens are located not in Pakistan but in large tracts of territory controlled by the Taliban in Afghanistan.The Pakistan Prime Minister also maintained that Islamabad was not prepared to fight the Afghan war on Pakistan’s soil. “Neither can we endorse any fair strategy that prolongs and intensify the sufferings of the people of Afghanistan and Pakistan,” he said.He also identified two flaws in the global counter-terror strategy. One of this, Abbasi remarked, was state-sponsored terrorism, and the failure of the UN to reign in states that use this as an instrument of their foreign policy. —ANI

The political state of Haryana is the catchment area for some of the most gallant and decorated regiments of the Indian Army, namely, Grenadiers, Jats, Rajputana Rifles, Rajputs, besides the region also feeding a host of other regiments, corps, and the service arms. The average Haryanvi soldier is the epitome of martial instincts – from sheer unmatched physical bearing to the age-old reverence to morality, ethics, simplicity, and large-heartedness (with a unique sense of sarcastic humour and risqué language); these hardy soldiers are much feted and doted on, in the battle-fields or moments of functional tribulation. From Risaldar Badlu Singh (Victoria Cross from Jajjar), Havaldar Chelu Ram (Victoria Cross from Bhiwani), Col Hoshiar Singh Dhaiya (Param Veer Chakra from Sonipat), the dust-bowl districts of Haryana have given an endless list of some of the finest displays of soldiering valour and professionalism, that makes them second-to-none.
Yet, the parallel optics of the meltdown, capitulation, and disarray of the Haryana Police, for the third successive time in the last couple of years is symptomatic of the contrasting institutional health of the two broad security services, i.e. the Indian Armed Forces vis-à-vis the Police forces (including both the State force and the Central Armed Police Forces). The 57,000 strong Haryana Police, with a logically sounding mission statement and commitment to the common man to, “provide him security and to create a peaceful and law abiding community,” has been found severely wanting in the recent Panchkula rampage, the handling of the earlier sectarian strife, as indeed, in the ham-handed botch-up in raiding yet another self-styled godman in Hisar, preceding these two incidents. The seemingly magical impact of just six army columns, when the large posse of hapless policemen was scurrying aimlessly and hurriedly, reiterated the difference that institutional ethos, training and leadership can make. In Haryana, where the same household gives a military soldier and a policeman simultaneously, the opposite efficacy levels of the two uniforms is not a reflection on the genealogical bearing of the two individuals.

The cry for police reforms is a very old hat, that has persisted and resisted efforts to change, despite efforts to address the institutional malaise. Even the judiciary that has earned unequivocal plaudits for standing up to the crumbling national narrative in recent times, was at its wits end when the Supreme Court bench headed by the then Chief Justice of India, JS Kehar lamented, “Police reforms are going on and on. Nobody listens to our orders.” The well-meant tone of anguish belies the multiplicity of vested interests that seek to maintain the status quo.

Unfortunately, the colonial-minded Police Act of 1861, that was understandably loathed and distrusted by the mainstream populace, still stands as the fundamental governing guide. The later day constitutional framework of affording the State police to a ‘state subject’ (List II, Schedule 7 of the Indian Constitution), with open channels of outside (read, political) influence and interference have ensured negative perceptions of lackadaisical commitment, oppressive conduct and worse, corruption. Piles of paperwork have been generated to suggest and usher in the much-needed Police reforms from the Gore Committee, the Ribeiro Committee, the Padmanabhaiah Committee, the Prakash Singh Committee (ironically, following the sectarian violence in Haryana itself) to the SC directives for Police Reforms and Soli Sorabjee Committee – all ignored in varied degrees of disinterest (in 2006, the Supreme Court had issued 7 binding directions to the State/UT’s). The comparative proximity of the political classes with the State police forces versus the autonomy and non-interference in the conduct of the Armed Forces has steered the culture of professionalism, vested interests and leadership conduct, diametrically. The police-political equation can be dangerously mutually-gratifying, thus, efforts to correct the unholy nexus runs the risk of a very systemic and effective counter-block. Neither barrackised nor conflict-deployed Military, is insulated from the systemic-rot that afflicts the ‘system’. Perversely, the politician-agnostic Armed Forces pay a personal price for maintaining the distance from the civilian-masters and the top-heavy bureaucracy of the Police forces, gets further top-loaded and ‘looked-after’ by the ‘system’, whereas the ‘politically insignificant’ soldier of the Armed Forces is served the occasional dosage of condescending platitudes and patriotic appropriation, every time a Pampore, Pathankot or now, even when a ‘Panchkula’ happens. While there is an undeniable issue of shortfalls (global average ratio of police-population is 270 to one lakh, in India, it is approx. 120) – this ratio was not applicable in Panchkula. Actually, the issue of ‘outstretch’ is far more acute for the Armed Forces, as besides their conventional duties they are today increasingly deployed in regular ‘policing’ tasks and operations in J&K and the insurgency-infected areas of the North Eastern States. It really boils down to leadership – the contrast of the tenor, balance, and maturity in the phraseology of the press conferences held post the Panchkula incident vis-à-vis that of the then DGMI (Lt Gen Ranbir Singh) following the ‘surgical strikes’, is a case study in political slant versus the apolitical functionality and correctness. Again, it is the wiring, construct, and defined conduct of the two different institutions that chisels out the exact opposite output and impact, in a ‘Panchkula’. There have been outstanding Police officers and men who have defied the systemic morass and delivered supreme results (often paying the ultimate price), however, these instances of individual brilliance are not because of the operative ‘system’ and environment that they are subjected to, but despite them; therefore even more laudable! Whereas the Armed Forces is a well-oiled engine that routinely churns out a certain behaviour pattern (ignoring instances of individual culpability), as the system invests and ordains ‘izzat’ above all; the emotional import of cowardice or dereliction in a combat-situation is an unimaginable, unaccountable, and unlivable insult to the individual concerned, and by that extension, his paltan – hence, the shame of not ‘living up’ to the soldering ethos is unexplainably, heavy. The taint of ‘combat refusal’ goes beyond the penal laws, and unlike the order of ‘suspension’ in the police forces, a sense of collective humiliation owing to the conduct of any individual can drive a unit towards almost inhuman bravery in the face of hopeless odds, to redeem honour. Behind the different flags of the overall Indian security apparatus that bestow the legal, moral and social legitimacy, lays the singular flag of ‘India’ that does not differentiate a soldier wearing a Khakhi uniform, from one wearing an Olive Green uniform. It is not the uniform or the soldier, but the ‘system’ that has failed us and needs immediate addressing. Haryana was, is, and will always remain the land of pride for soldiers. Lt General Bhopinder Singh (Retd) is Former Lt Governor of Andaman and Nicobar Islands & Puducherry. The views expressed are strictly personal.

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The Battle of Saragarhi has gone down in history as one of the fiercest last-stands executed in battle. It refers to the clash of 21 Sikhs of the 36th regiment of the British army (now the 4th battalion of the Sikh regiment of the Indian Army) with an attack by over 10,000 Afghan tribesmen – the Sikhs held their ground.

In the September 1897, when over 10,000 Afghan tribesmen of the Orakzai and Afridi tribe attacked Saragarhi, North Western Frontier Province (NWFP) (modern day Pakistan), the defending Sikh regiment, under the leadership of Havildar Ishar Singh, knew their fate had already been decided. Yet they held their ground and fought the thousands of enemy troops for several hours.

The fierce bravery of the 21 Sikhs sent ripples across the world. The British Parliament halted their session mid-way to give a standing ovation to the 21 martyred in September 1897.

The entire regiment was posthumously awarded the Indian Order of Merit, the highest bravery award given to Indians at the time. It was also the only time when an entire unit received the highest gallantry award for the same battle.

Every year, 12 September is celebrated as the Saragarhi Day by the Sikh regiment, which is also the most decorated regiment of the Indian army.

Defence Minister Nirmala Sitharaman receives prasad from a priest as she arrives to take charge in New Delhi on Thursday. PTI

Tribune News service

New Delhi, September 7

Newly appointed Defence Minister Nirmala Sitharaman today listed out an ambitious agenda for her tenure.Military preparedness, sorting out long-pending issues, thrust towards ‘Make in India’ and welfare of families of soldiers will be areas of focus, said Sitharaman as she commenced her innings at South Block in the national capital this morning. Outgoing Defence Minister Arun Jaitley and the Minister of State for Defence Dr Subhash Bhamre were present at the ceremony.In a brief statement after assuming charge, Sitharaman said: “My priority will definitely be the Armed Forces’ preparedness. It is important that the Indian Armed Forces receive all the attention in terms of giving them every necessary endowment and equipment to perform their duty.”Promising to address long-pending issues, she said: “I shall address all long-pending issues in consultation with the PM and the Cabinet to ensure that all of them are resolved.”Sitharaman stressed upon ‘Make in India’. India is the world’s biggest importer of weapons and military equipment. “To strengthen our defence capability, it’s very important to focus on Make in India. We shall ensure that it’s given full play for defence production.”She said with the technology improving, indigenous production should be ensured so that the nation benefits and also exports weapons to the international market.Sitharaman said one of her priorities would be the families of the Armed Forces personnel. “Soldiers and their families should remain absolutely assured that their interests are watched,” she said.The taking over of Sitharaman had been scheduled for Thursday and was consequent to Jaitley’s return from Japan. She was appointed Defence Minister on Sunday after the PM reshuffled his Cabinet

Maj. Gen. B S Raju

Awantipora, September 27

The back of armed militandcy in Kashmir is virtually broken, and now a great deal of “political sagacity” is needed to ensure that a lasting solution to the decades-long separatist problem is found, the Army commander of the key South Kashmir area has said.“There is no semblance of any space where militants or separatists are in control. Militants are in self-preservation mode,” Maj Gen BS Raju, head of Victor Force that performs counter-insurgency operations in five districts of south Kashmir, said in an interview on Tuesday.He said his focus now was on ensuring that there were no new recruitments in the militant cadres and reaching out to the people to convince them that the Army was there to help, for which his troops had already embarked on a series of projects in schools and colleges.“Overall, most people want a solution. They want to get out of this cycle of violence,” said Major General Raju, the General Officer Commanding (GOC) of Victor Force, based in Awantipora, 33 km south of Srinagar.South Kashmir was known as the Ground Zero of J&K militancy with the highest number of attacks on security forces recorded here last year. As many as 73 militants have been killed this year in the region alone, more than twice the average number in previous years. It is believed that about 120 armed militants remain, possibly 150.“These days they are not targeting the Army directly, but are looking at softer targets. They are sometimes hitting civilians on the plea of neutralising informants,” said the GOC, who took over in March this year. “The situation has been brought to a level where political initiative can be started. It is good to see political engagement has started,” he said, referring to a flurry of comments by the Centre on holding talks with all stakeholders in Kashmir.“It depends on the political sagacity of the Central government. It will depend a great deal on the Central government. You can’t police out militancy from here,” he said.But he noted that “a great deal of straight-talking” with Kashmiris was needed to tell them “what can be given and what’s not on the table”.“We need to tell people here that ‘azadi’ under no circumstances is possible. And anything is possible under the Constitution. If you keep harping on ‘azadi’ you will be in a state of misery for a long time,” he said.Because of the success against home-grown militants, the Army expects cross-border infiltration to increase in the next few weeks to make up for the dead militants. “I anticipate more and more attempts to replenish the depleting cadres… (but) the window for infiltration is narrowing as winter is approaching.,” said Major General Raju, who headed the Uri brigade in 2012.One of the biggest problems that security forces and the government are facing is the radicalisation and alienation of the younger generation, said the GOC. He noted that most of the militants, pro-independence activists or even the stone-throwers had little grasp of the meaning of ‘azadi’. — PTI

Marshal of the IAF Arjan Singh’s strategic vision, foresight and hard work provided the framework for the strategic victory in 1971

Marshal of the IAF Arjan Singh made an outstanding contribution to the country’s defence and air force. By far, his most exceptional role was in analysing the IAF’s strengths and weaknesses, which showed up during the 1965 war, and applying necessary correctives. The major lesson learned was that the Service had been preparing for a medium to long-duration war. What was needed was a change in mindset, planning, logistics and operational dynamics for a short war of intense proportions. This was done through detailed planning and operational discussions. Personnel at all levels were briefed on the changed strategy for future wars. We saw that this worked perfectly in 1971 as the IAF achieved air supremacy over East Pakistan within three days and caused heavy attrition to the Pakistan Air Force in the West.

PHOTO CREDIT: BHARAT­RAKSHAK.COMThe then Air Chief Marshal Arjan Singh visiting the MiG­21 squadrons based at Tezpur in Assam in the late 1960s.

The Army had been crying itself hoarse about the lack of adequate air support with some reason. The reasons therein were analysed and solutions produced after joint consultations. Arjan Singh went down to micro-levels in this matter. He correctly deduced that the unreliability of World War-2 vintage wireless sets prevented forward air controllers from communicating with the aircraft and providing targets and feedback. Therefore, state-ofthe-art communications equipment was sourced. The Army was thoroughly impressed with the ground support provided in East Pakistan in 1971.

Focusing on leadership at the higher level, Arjan Singh advocated joint planning with other Services, which was lacking in 1965. This paid rich dividends during the later confrontation with Pakistan. The IAF embarked on a concentrated period of modernisation, expansion and solidification. Many new fighter aircraft, equipment and systems such as the MiG-21, Sukhoi-7, HF-24 and SAM-3 surface-to-air missiles were inducted. Arjan Singh’s foresight, hard work and strategic vision truly provided the underpinnings of our stirring victory in 1971.

1ST MAHARAJA YADAVINDRA SINGH LECTURE

Tony McClenaghan will deliver the 1st Maharaja Yadavindra Singh Memorial Lecture on the princely states’ contribution to World War 1 under the aegis of the Centre for Indian Military History at the CRRID auditorium on Tuesday, September 26. He is a world authority on the Indian States Forces and is currently the secretary of the Indian Military Historical Society.

DOGRAI DAY COMMEMORATION

It was an emotional moment to represent my late father at his old formation’s Dograi Day commemoration, place a wreath on the war memorial and interact with officers and Jawans. Located in a neat and clean new military station, the formation organised the remembrance in the Army’s usual style with grace and meticulousness. Defending a vital sector of the border, we can be rest assured that the conquerors of Dograi in 1965 will perform their tasks with the same aplomb and grit.

WOMEN’S AFPI

The Armed Forces Preparatory Institute for Women at Mohali has grown from strength to strength. The efforts of it’s dynamic director, General IP Singh and his staff are soon to bear fruit. I’m informed that the first batch to appear for the Combined Defence Services examination will do so in November this year. The best of luck to them! The girls are currently studying for their graduation at MCM DAV College, Chandigarh.

NATHU LA

Why is there no commemoration of the bloody nose given by our troops to the Chinese fifty years ago at Nathu La?

Uttarakhand Chief Minister Trivendra Rawat lays a wreath on the mortal remains of Major Vijay Singh Ahlawat in Dehradun on Sunday. Tribune photo

Tribune News Service

Dehradun, September 17

Uttarakhand Chief Minister Trivendra Singh Rawat today paid floral tributes to Major Vijay Singh Ahlawat, who met with an accident on September 15.  Major Ahlawat of the 3 Rajput regiment was posted at Kokrajhar, Assam, where he met with an accident on September 15. The Chief Minister also met his family members and assured them of all help. He was a resident of Vijay Colony, Dehradun. Ahlawat’s last rites were performed at Tapkeshwar crematorium. A large number of people gathered at the site to pay their last respect.

Chandigarh: Expressing grief over the death of Marshal of the Indian Air Force Arjan Singh, Chief Minister Capt Amarinder Singh on Saturday declared a three-day state mourning. There would be no official celebrations and the National Flag would fly at half-mast in all government buildings during these days, an official spokesperson said. In a condolence message, the CM said Arjan Singh’s contribution to the nation would forever remain etched in history. Amarinder also lauded Arjan Singh’s outstanding services as an envoy to various countries. TNS

Contrary to China’s hope that perhaps India would back off, as the standoff built up, India refused to blink. The global reaction too tended to lean towards India or was neutral.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi meets the President of the People’s Republic of China, Xi Jinping, on the sidelines of the 9th BRICS Summit, in Xiamen, China, recently. PTI

Bhartendu Kumar Singh

WHILE the Doklam crisis has ended, speculation and guesswork continue to masquerade the causes that triggered the crisis. Perceptions and misperceptions overshadow the actual sequence of developments on the ground but there is little doubt that the Chinese leadership wanted to build a road in the disputed area. However, it did eat humble pie, much against its expectations. When the crisis was on, some newspaper articles in India postulated it as another example of (insecure) Chinese nationalism. However, the crisis was neither caused nor precipitated by Chinese nationalism. India actually does not figure high in the Chinese calculus of nationalism. The aggressive posturing by the Global Times (a newspaper perceived to enjoy state support in China) at best represents the microscopic viewpoint. Chinese nationalism is still preoccupied with Japan, the US and Taiwan (to some extent). Throughout the crisis period, there were no mass protests against India as has been the case against Japan and the US in the past, often under state patronage. 

Alternative hypotheses

Though there are alternative hypotheses predicting the cause of Doklam, none of them or their combination could be entirely true.1 China was apparently not happy over India’s lack of enthusiasm in the Belt and Road initiative and its non-participation (along with Bhutan) at the inaugural conference in Beijing in May. Doklam could have been a well-thought geopolitical spot to embarrass India since the dispute was primarily with Bhutan. Also, it pinched India right on the Chicken’s Neck, considered as the most sensitive and vulnerable corridor that could cut the Indian mainland from the north-east portion. Thus, Doklam could have been a well-crafted Chinese strategy to inflict ‘revenge’ on India and shore up their own standing in international relations. 2 Doklam could also have been an initiative by President Xi Jinping to consolidate his own position against the collegiate spirit and leadership in the factional politics. This could be very much a probability since most foreign policy crises in China had internal roots. Witness, for example, the 1962 war which was as much about Mao’s personal decision (in order to divert the attention from the great famine deaths) as it was about certain misperceptions between China and India. Many leaders in the Party who could have been Xi’s wanna-be successors have actually been purged recently in the typical Chinese style of anti-corruption crusade. 3 It could have also been a test for China’s military modernisation and strategic consolidation in Tibet. After last year’s reorganisation of the command system in the People’s Liberation Army (PLA), the entire Indian front is against a one-theatre command and China, perhaps, wanted to test its combat-preparedness for local wars. The PLA enjoys considerable influence in Chinese foreign policy decision-making and may have nudged the leadership to check upon its troop movement in Tibet. While the crisis was going on, the PLA conducted a large-scale war exercise near the Line of Actual Control (LAC) in Tibet. Perhaps, the intention was also to gauge the Indian response. In his just-published book, How Statesmen Think — The Psychology Of International Relations (Princeton University Press, 2017), Robert Jervis says that decision-makers are often victims of misleading indicators of military strength and psychological pressures can lead them to run particularly high risks. This is what would have propelled Xi Jinping in playing the risky Doklam game. It is debatable if China gained any advantage from the Doklam crisis. If the Chinese objective was to wage a psychological war, it certainly did not work since India failed to blink. The Chinese whispers of a short and swift military operation to eke out India also did not evoke any panic across the Himalayas. If the objective was to test its war-preparedness in local conditions, it has come at a cost that would surely pinch through negative image building for China in international relations. 

BRICS gave exit setting

As the crisis unfolded, India didn’t blink, contrary to China’s expectation. The international reaction was either neutral or inclined in India’s favour. The US and all other great powers refused to toe the Chinese line of posturing, despite China linking the same (at least indirectly) with the North Korean crisis. The crisis only muddled China’s image as a bullying neighbour against its much-hyped “good neighbourly policy” announced in February this year. China’s expectations for a passive aggression strategy had failed. The domination strategy gave way to submission to reality that India will not back off. China perhaps felt the desirability of an exit strategy acceptable to both. The BRICS summit at Xiamen provided the strategic choice environment to China. India is one of the pivotal members of this select club that provides an alternative space for member countries to push their own agenda in international relations. Even a diluted participation from India would have taken the sheen out of summit and exposed internal contradiction in BRICS. The Chinese interlocutors perhaps realised this and kept the diplomatic channels active. Also, the protracted crisis could have become a sore point for the Chinese leadership in the coming Party Congress in October.The writer is in the Indian Defence Accounts Service