Sanjha Morcha

Choosing a President S Nihal Singh India deserves better

Choosing a President
Not the best: Are we condemned to suffer mediocrities as our face to the world?

CONTRARY to folklore, the selection of the country’s President is an intensely political affair. In its long innings, the Congress has played politics in its choices with men of the distinction of S. Radhakrishnan gracing the office in contrast to the nonentities it selected to suit its political requirements. The only occasion there was a consensus on the choice was with Sanjiva Reddy because of the political turmoil then roiling the country.It is no surprise then that the BJP, in power under its own steam, should play politics with its choice for the highest titular post in the land even while making a show of seeking consensus with the Opposition parties. It was equally clear that in selecting Mr Ram Nath Kovind, a somewhat obscure loyalist with strong BJP and RSS affiliations and a Dalit to boot, it was making a political point and scattering the Oppositiion parties seeking to come together. We had men such as the Congress-appointed Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed signing on the dotted line to bless Indira Gandhi’s Emergency.Essentially, the BJP had three points to make. One, it was seeking to dispel the impression of being an upper caste and trading community party known for encouraging inter-caste tension and an anti-Dalit cast of mind. Second, it had the general election of 2019 in mind in fielding a Dalit. Third, it struck a blow to Opposition unity, such as it has been, to get Bihar’s CM and JD (U) leader, Mr Nitish Kumar, to defect even before Opposition parties were scheduled to meet.Thus in immediate terms, the BJP’s tactic has paid off. The Opposition parties were reduced to naming a Dalit, Ms Meira Kumar, the former Lok Sabha Speaker, to make a symbolic fight knowing full well that the BJP’s candidate had the votes, now with the maverick Shiv Sena and the JD (U), among others, on board.Yet the pity is that the Congress and the BJP when in power play political games for their parties’ advantage when the country should choose a towering and recognised personality to represent the country with distinction at home and around the world. This comes at the cost of India’s image PM Modi’s government is otherwise so adept at creating.Mr Kovind, despite his experience and record, is nowhere near the ideal President the country deserves. In the process, India is missing out on projecting its true potential to the world. Instead of chalking out a bold course in contrast to Congress practice, the BJP has chosen to copy it to select a well-meaning slogger because of his caste to keep alive the concept of Hinduising India. By all accounts, the RSS played a key role in the final stages of making the choice. The nature of the organisation being what it is, its single-minded devotion to creating a Hindu rashtra cannot be faulted. Rather, the RSS underpinning in the BJP and in the government’s staffing at the national level and in the states is such that it has a stranglehold on policymaking. Mr Modi’s choices are therefore limited. He must put up with men like Yogi Adityanath as his party’s CM in Uttar Pradesh as with the other red lines drawn by the RSS in areas closest to its heart. The choice for President was one such red line and like a faithful member of the RSS, as he once was, Mr Modi capitulated.   The office of President has evolved over the decades as has the role of Governors. Its past splendour has a hollow ring today, with more and more holders of office being proxies of the ruling power, rather than following the spirit of the Constitution in exercising an oversight over the government’s actions and policies. There have been exceptions, for instance KR Narayanan, who have expressed reservations and displeasure over particular policies. Even more than those holding the President’s office, Governors as a rule are proxies of the ruling party at the Centre. Indeed, there can be a valid case for the abolition of Governors’ office, substituting it by an administrative mechanism serving the same purpose without the expense and formalities involved. But the country still needs a titular head as a symbol and a meeting point for all its citizens. As is clear from the latest decision of the ruling party, that symbol is well on the way to oblivionn greatly aided by the record of the Congress.  Is the country so engulfed in partisan politics that even a party with a majority of its own in the Lok Sabha after three decades cannot chart a new course to keep the office of President above political horse trading? The BJP apparently thinks in electoral cycles to complete its dominance over national politics. The Oppositiion parties, particularly the Congress, are too shell-shocked by the scale of their defeat in recent elections to concentrate on national objectives. The traditional remedy offered by the wise is to turn to civil society. But it has proved to be a broken record time and again. Unless provoked by a victory or defeat on the cricket field or touching the heartstrings, as in the case of the aspiring self-made woman who was brutally raped and died, civil society stays silent more often than not. The choice of the President is not evocative enough to excite passion except among the political class that lives in its own bubble. Are we therefore condemned to suffer mediocrities as our face to the world? The Congress is more culpable on this score than the BJP’s rather recent acquisition of power. But the BJP cannot escape censure because it is in a sense the new avatar of power long exercised by the Congress. It must distinguish itself not merely by seeking a cleaner India but in getting rid of the cobwebs of the past by introducing a healthier set of political principles.The choice of Vice-President remains open and we must await the next surprise the BJP has to offer. This much is clear. Mr Hamid Ansari will be a hard act to follow.


Pak sends back J&K cop who had crossed over 3 years back

Jammu, June 22

A policeman of Jammu and Kashmir, who had inadvertently crossed over to Pakistan three years back, was on Friday sent back home.Constable Sohan Lal was handed over to the BSF by the Pakistan Rangers at the Wagah border in Punjab, BSF DIG Dharminder Pareek said here.“Following the persistent efforts by Jammu Frontier of BSF with Pakistan Rangers, the Rangers handed over Constable of J&K Police Sohan Lal to the BSF at Wagah border in Punjab today,” Pareek said.Lal had inadvertently crossed over to Pakistan in R S Pura sector in 2014, he said. — PTI


Top LeT commander, aide ‘killed’ in Kulgam encounter 2 civilian protesters shot by security men at the site in Arwini area

Top LeT commander, aide ‘killed’ in Kulgam encounter
Security personnel chase away stone-throwers from the encounter site at Arwini village in Kulgam district on Friday. Tribune photo: Amin War

Suhail A Shah

Anantnag, June 16

A top Lashkar-e-Toiba (LeT) commander is among two militants believed to be killed in an ongoing encounter in the Arwini area of south Kashmir’s Kulgam district, 42 km south of Srinagar.Two civilians have also been shot dead, allegedly by security forces, during clashes that erupted around the site of the encounter.Though the firing has stopped at the encounter site, the bodies of militants are yet to be retrieved and the operation is still not over, officially.According to reports, security forces cordoned off the Malik Mohalla locality in Arwini early Friday morning on a tip-off regarding presence of militants in the area.“There has been intermittent exchange of fire throughout the day and we believe two militants have been gunned down. The exchange of fire has halted since around 4 pm now,” a senior police official said.Though the bodies are yet to be retrieved, the police believe that one among the slain militants might be a most wanted Lashkar commander, Junaid Mattoo.Mattoo’s name was in the 12 most wanted militants list issued recently by the Army in Kashmir. He carried a bounty of Rs 10 lakh on his head.“Efforts are on to retrieve the bodies from the rubble of the house they were hiding in,” police sources said.Local sources said at least three houses had been razed to ground by the bombardment carried out by security forces.Meanwhile, as the encounter was on hundreds of local youth assembled and in a bid to give trapped militants an escape route engaged security forces by stone-throwing. Security forces fired live ammunition, pellets and tear-smoke shells to disperse the protesters leaving two civilians dead and more than 30 injured, at least 10 of them with bullet wounds.The slain civilians have been identified as 22-year-old Muhammad Ashraf Khar of Khar Mohalla in Arwini and 14-year-old Ahsan Dar of Shamsipora village in neighboring Anantnag district.Both of them have been shot in the chest as confirmed by the health officials at District Hospital, Anantnag, and Sub-District Hospital, Qaimoh, Kulgam district.Chief Medical Officer (CMO), Kulgam, Dr Muhammad Shafi confirmed the killing of Ahsan Dar at Qaimoh Sub-District Hospital and said different hospitals in Kulgam treated around 10 other injured youth. “Five of them had firearm injuries,” he said.In Bijbehara Sub-District Hospital 10 more injured were treated, four of them with bullet injuries.“Two with bullet injuries and three others with pellet injuries in their eyes have been shifted to Srinagar for specialised treatment,” Block Medical Officer (BMO), Bijbehara, Dr Showket, said. In Anantnag district Hospital nine injured, two of them with bullet injuries, were treated.“They were all stable while one of the injured, Muhammad Ashraf, succumbed to his injuries here,” Medical Superintendent (MS) of the hospital Dr Majid Mirab said. A combing operation of the encounter site was on while this report was filed.

Bodies yet to be retrieved

  • Though the bodies are yet to be retrieved, the police believe that one among the slain militants might be a most wanted Lashkar commander, Junaid Mattoo
  • Mattoo’s name was in the 12 most wanted militants list issued recently by the Army in Kashmir. He carried a bounty of Rs 10 lakh on his head

Pakistan’s back in the Great Game

Washington’s disinterest and Beijing’s ascent are helping Islamabad gain ground in Afghanistan

The horrific suicide bomb attack in Kabul on May 31 that left 150 dead, and subsequent similar attacks at a funeral a few days later briefly brought Afghanistan back into the news. But only briefly since the British elections, the string of terrorists’ attacks in that country and general consternation with Trump’s antics and shenanigans meant that Afghanistan soon receded from public attention. This has meant that Pakistan’s game of gaining ‘strategic depth’ has gained substantial traction and the constitutional framework set in motion with the ouster of the Taliban in 2001 is in real danger of unravelling.

America’s failure to stabilise Afghanistan has led to a sense of fatigue about that country as reflected in the minuscule coverage of the terrible acts of terrorists’ violence that has grown unabated in recent years. America has also been distracted by its domestic political wrangling that marked the presidential election campaign, and has worsened with the coming into office of Donald Trump. This has allowed Pakistan to rearrange regional power equations quite dramatically, ably supported by China who brought in the Russians onto the same side. While the Islamic State Khorasan Province (ISKP) has made its appearance in the eastern Afghan province of Nangrahar, its influence and ability to launch terrorist strikes has been exaggerated to achieve this. American missteps and the Iranian tendency to adventurism has meant that over the past decade, Iran and the Taliban have become close tactical allies. The result is that despite stepped up terrorists attacks aimed at civilians, the Taliban is being presented by these countries as a moderate player that should have a key role in any peace process.

Russia has admitted to opening up lines of communications to the Taliban and even initiated a dialogue process along with China and Pakistan. The Afghan government strongly objected and had to be brought in along with regional stakeholders, India and Iran. Neither the US, the main military and economic player in Afghanistan, nor NATO were part of these talks. Russia took the stand that while violence was unacceptable, the Taliban were very much relevant players. Expectedly, the talks went nowhere; but helped build the case that it was the Taliban alone who held the veto over any attempted peace process.

The disputed elections of 2014 led to the US-backed uneasy coalition between President Ashraf Ghani and his challenger Dr. Abdullah Abdullah, who was given a new title, chief executive; but if anything, dissonance in governance has only enlarged. Initially Ghani made bold moves to placate Pakistan in the belief that it would lead to peace. What Afghanistan saw was increased violence, especially suicide attacks on civilians in crowded places leading to hundreds of causalities. The aim of damaging the credibility of the Afghan government by showing up its inability to protect its citizens was achieved very substantially. This has allowed Pakistan to emerge as the key interlocutor on behalf of the Taliban even as it continued to deny that it had anything to do with them. Exhaustion and distraction meant that the US and other western countries were happy to buy this fiction if it allowed them to quietly exit Afghanistan.

President Ghani’s failure to build a cohesive and inclusive government, or to establish working relations with parliament, whose term has incidentally expired, has meant that the Afghan government is internally hobbled and unable to deliver on good governance. The agreement that set up the National Unity Government with Abdullah in 2014 required that within two years the constitution would be amended to provide for a prime minister, has not happened. The largely non-Pashtun Jamiat from whose ranks Abdullah, foreign minister Rabbani and many more joined the government, has started speaking up as an opposition party. They led a big anti-government demonstration two days after the May 31 terrorist attacks leading to police firing with six dead including the son of the deputy speaker of the upper house of parliament. The next day, at his funeral, attended by Abdullah, Rabbani and others, three bombs went off killing nine persons. Jamiat leaders like Governor Atta of Balkh blamed persons within the government for the complicity in the May 31 bomb blast. And for the same reason, Rabbani boycotted his own government’s Kabul Peace Process presided over by President Ghani.

Trump’s effectively ceding leadership to China on many fronts has meant that Pakistan is emboldened enough to try and push the Afghan government hard enough for them to acknowledge that Pakistan would have de facto control over Afghan affairs, something it tried to do after 1989 Russian withdrawal. At present, the momentum seems to be favouring them as neither is the Afghan government united nor are the security forces in a condition to take the initiative back from the Taliban. If these trends are not reversed, Afghanistan could see increased violence that could potentially spill over its borders.


J&K FOCUS Evolving Situation in J&K: Summer 2017 (Part I) by Lt Gen Ata Husnain

Since the turn of the millennium, most military experts have advised the Indian government and the Indian Army to view J&K related issues with a longer and wider perspective. The longer perspective is needed because the year-on-year review and concept does not lead to the desired strategic effect; and the wider perspective is required because all departments of government need to play a joint role without abdicating responsibility only to the Army. The advice has been taken in parts but a comprehensive long term strategy has somehow been elusive.

The coming together of the BJP-PDP alliance created hope since it could see more equitable balance between the Jammu and Kashmir regions with Ladakh also having its aspirations in line. However, since 2015, those hopes have been belied due to circumstances that prevented any fructification of efforts of the new alliance. The success of a political initiative is contingent on the stability of the security environment. That has remained elusive chiefly due to the avowed intent of the adversaries to disallow cementing of the political alliance and initiative; that intent has been avidly executed through the use of street power, terrorist operations and focused propaganda to lead to alienation. Thus the Indian strategy for the current season can only take a short term view because stabilisation of the security situation before anything long term is the key.  That means a greater focus on security, greater role for the Army and lesser scope for political initiatives.

This is the reason why there are few initiatives from the government despite pleadings by different delegations that have made way to the Valley. The age old dictum probably applies – one cannot begin looking for peace from a position of weakness as much as one cannot keep reminiscing about initiatives that have become history. So is the Indian position really weak from a security point of view and are the peace delegations being realistic at all? These are worthy issues to analyse as we head into the campaigning season of 2017.

Most analysts like to quote statistics to analyse the security situation but it is more the nature of incidents and how they have been handled that dictates the course of the security environment. North Kashmir has been quiet in the hinterland and infiltration attempts are taking place in some non-traditional areas; entirely expected. The Army should by now have strengthened the counter-infiltration grid for the summer. A surge in terrorist strength is the last thing that the security set up can currently afford; it will have a cascading effect.

It is Central and South Kashmir where the local flavor of terror has increased in content, the security forces have suffered attrition, and the J&K police has been targeted with a view to reduce its effectiveness through demotivation and thereby dilute the intelligence grid. The targeting of Lt Umar Fayaz, a Kashmiri officer on leave was designed to send an ominous message to those seeking to be part of the Indian system. An effective response to this has been the success of 14 young Kashmiris in the Civil Services examination, hundreds of them lining up at other recruitment centres despite separatists’ call, and the runaway success of the Army’s Super 40 coaching initiative for the entrance examination to IIT/JEE (being increased to Super 50).

Yet no one can miss the sullen silence in Kashmir’s youth. None reveal their minds but the parallel track to the turnout at recruitment rallies and skill development initiatives is also a grim reality. Losing sight of this would not help and therefore the security domain has to research sufficiently to ascertain the real factors that drive alienation so vehemently. While many have taken to the streets to demonstrate this alienation, there are others who nurse a grudge and do not display it. The Army’s outreach has always been very cordial but the real challenge for it today is with regard to recapturing the old relationship while also being strong against those who treat law and order with disdain, support flash mobs at encounter sites or target detachments of security forces as it happened in the Major Nitin Leetul Gogoi affair.

Apt to mention here that a major lesson emerging for a military mind observing South Kashmir over a period of time is the fact that the Army withdrew prematurely after a tenuous stabilisation, without going the full way. It treated military resources in the south as a bank to draw from and hence the imbalance today. The space in the Kulgam-Shupiyan belt was lost due to declaration of premature victory. It needs immediate reoccupation. As and when Kulgam had a Rashtriya Rifles headquarters the area was always more secure. The maximum gravitation of the approximately 100 local youth who have taken to militancy is to this area.

With no remorse for targeting of locals who have joined the Indian system, there appears a change in the ethics in the militancy too. That is worrisome because Amarnath Yatra, the iconic pilgrimage, will commence within a few weeks. Its security will be of paramount importance. There are rogue elements across the borders that would not stop at anything to see the targeting of India and Indians.

This commentary is Part 1 of the two-part analysis on the evolving situation in Kashmir.


Scouts’ honour: The Ladakh Scouts, the army’s newest infantry regiment, will get the President’s colours this month*

Image result for Ladakh Scouts

Image result for Ladakh Scouts

The Ladakh Scouts, victorious at Dog Hill, during the Kargil conflict in 1999

The dramatic air landing of two Indian infantry battalions in Srinagar in October 1947, which drove back Pakistani tribal raiders from the outskirts of the capital of Jammu & Kashmir, is the stuff legends are made of. As the Indian Army built up troops in Kashmir, the raiders were driven back and Baramula, Uri and Tithwal liberated. But a similar, less known, crisis occurred in May 1948, when the capture of Kargil by tribal lashkars left the routes to Leh open.
Defending Ladakh against the tribal hordes were just 33 men of the J&K State Forces. Reinforcing the tiny Leh garrison were 20 volunteers, led by Lt Col Prithi Singh – the legendary “X Force” that dragged itself heroically over the wind-swept Zoji La pass. But, with the snows melting and passes opening, hundreds of Pakistani tribal fighters converged on Leh, driven by the promise of monasteries groaning with wealth, salacious dreams of unprotected women, and the belief that Ladakh’s Buddhist men knew little of fighting.
“Cometh the hour, cometh the man”, it is said. On May 13, 1948, as Lt Col Prithi Singh raised the tricolour in Leh and called for volunteers to fight the tribals, the first hand to go up was that of Chewang Rinchen, a 17-year-old schoolboy from Nubra. For the next two months, until the first Indian Army troops were airlifted to Leh and built up into a viable force, Rinchen and a band of youngsters that he formed into the Nubra Guards, confronted and thwarted the battle-hardened tribals. For his heroic defence of Ladakh and the leadership he displayed, Rinchen was appointed a junior commissioned officer in the Indian Army and awarded the Mahavir Chakra, the army’s second-highest gallantry award.
Not content with being the youngest-ever winner of that award, Rinchen went on to win a Sena Medal in the 1962 war with China; and then a second Mahavir Chakra in 1971 for capturing over 800 square kilometres of territory from Pakistan, including the strategically vital village of Turtok. Eventually retiring as colonel, Rinchen is one of the army’s greatest legends.
      (Above: Sheikh Abdullah pins the MVC onto Rinchen)
Rinchen and the Nubra Guards are also the progenitors of today’s Ladakh Scouts – a regiment so distinguished in war and peace that President Pranab Mukherjee will travel to Leh this month to present it the coveted President’s Colours. These are normally presented to units that distinguish themselves consistently over decades.
The Ladakh Scouts, in contrast, became a regular army regiment only in June 2001, after their stunning performance in the Kargil conflict. No sooner than the Pakistani intrusions across the Line of Control were detected in May 1999, the Ladakh Scouts swung into action, reconnoitring routes, fixing ropes and enabling the initial successes of regular Indian battalions. The Ladakh Scouts were also instrumental in exposing the role of regular Pakistani soldiers in the intrusions, which Islamabad was flatly denying.
Embroiled in the fighting at Kargil, the Ladakh Scouts lost 31 men and were awarded 55 gallantry awards, more than any other army unit in per capita terms. Major Sonam Wangchuk, who led his Ladakh Scouts men to the capture of Chorbat La, was awarded a Mahavir Chakra. In recognition of their valour, the chief of army staff (COAS) awarded the Ladakh Scouts the COAS Banner – the only such award ever given. They were also conferred with a Battle Honour for Batalik and Theatre Honour for Kargil.
The army quickly saw the benefit of converting the Ladakh Scouts into a full-fledged infantry group, on the lines of the Gurkhas, Dogras, Sikhs, etcetera. Unlike other infantry groups, which alternated between peacetime and field deployments, the Ladakh Scouts would remain in high-altitude field postings in the vicinity of their homes – the Kargil and Leh districts of Ladakh.
For an army that has so many soldiers committed on its Himalayan frontier, mountain men like the Ladakh Scouts are a godsend. Genetically conditioned for high altitudes, with physiological advantages like larger lungs, Ladakhis seldom suffer from mountain sickness. Regular army units, manned by plainsmen or mountain folk from lower altitudes, require up to a week of acclimatization before they can survive at altitudes of 15,000 feet. Ladakhis, however, can be deployed above 15,000 feet without acclimatization.
Ladakh Scouts are also adept at operating “self sustained” for up to ten days in extreme altitudes – that is only on supplies in their backpacks.
A display of this unique ability came in February 2016, when an army post called Sonam, almost 20,000 feet high on the Siachen Glacier, was buried by a collapsed ice wall along with ten soldiers from the Madras regiment who manned it. With sensors indicating signs of life, survivors needed to be dug out quickly. Ordinary soldiers were breathless at those heights, so Ladakh Scouts were brought in, without acclimatization, from an altitude of 12,000 feet – something that would kill most soldiers. But the Ladakh Scouts, working non-stop at Sonam, extricated Lance Naik Hanumanthappa Koppad alive. He did not survive for long, but the Ladakh Scouts had again proved their unique worth.
Since Kargil, the Ladakh Scouts have been built up to five battalions, each one with some 850 soldiers. At any time, two battalions are operationally deployed in extreme high altitudes, including one in the Siachen Glacier. Two more are stationed in Ladakh, with just one battalion in a peace location in Chandimandir. Seeing the value of these soldiers, there are plans to raise another two battalions.
With only a limited populace to recruit from, soldiers may also be drawn from Lahaul and Spiti, in Himachal Pradesh, which are also reputed for tough mountain soldiers.
At a recruiting rally at the Ladakh Scouts Regimental Centre, however, it does not seem as if the regiment wants for recruits. Defying the cold that has us wrapped in parkas, a crowd of youngsters stand in their underwear, readying for a medical examination followed by a two-mile run. The candidates are well-built, but short, which is not a deterrent since the army has relaxed height requirements for Ladakhis.
Mohammed Abdullah, a recruit from Phyang, near Leh, tells us frankly that young men in Ladakh have only two career choices: joining the Ladakh Scouts or driving a taxi for tourists. Another recruit, Thinless Norbu, from Chuchot village tells us that soldiers are held in high esteem by local people, and most educated girls would choose to marry a Ladakh Scout.
Even so, the changing values of Ladakhi society are evident from the controversy over the memorial to Colonel Rinchen. After he died in 1997, the spot in Leh where he was cremated was transformed into a public park. On his death anniversary, the army, administration officials and prominent citizens would lay wreathes in his memory.
Now, however, the local administration is moving to transform most of Colonel Rinchen Park into a memorial for the local police. Rinchen’s family is protesting this initiative but, with powerful administration officials backing the police, one of India’s most captivating war heroes might soon find his memory slighted.
Says one of the local officials, responding to a query on how local police in an entirely peaceful and crime-free district can be compared with a national hero like Rinchen: “Why should there be any comparison? After all, whenever anyone salutes the police memorial, they will also be saluting Colonel Rinchen.”

Emulate Gill, Capt tells young officers

Emulate Gill, Capt tells young officers
Punjab CM Capt Amarinder Singh and senior BJP leader Laxmi Kanta Chawla pay tribute to ex-DGP KPS Gill in New Delhi. Mukesh Aggarwal

New Delhi, June 3

Punjab Chief Minister Amarinder Singh today exhorted the people of Punjab to work for peace which, he said, would be a befitting tribute to former DGP KPS Gill. The latter, who is credited with crushing terrorism in Punjab, succumbed to a kidney ailment on May 26. He was 82.Speaking at Gill’s bhog ceremony at the Constitution Club here, Amarinder Singh said: “A true tribute to the great man would be to ensure peace in Punjab for which he had fought.” He said Gill had led from the front when the Punjab Police was a demoralised force. “Only those who lived through those dark days of terrorism can appreciate his role.” Recalling Gill’s “Operation Night Dominance” to restore the confidence of the people, he hoped that young police officers would draw inspiration from him and emulate him.(Follow The Tribune on Facebook; and Twitter @thetribunechd)Asked if he was breaking tradition by attending Gill’s bhog, the CM replied: “He (Gill) was my friend and a great man.” Punjab DGP Suresh Arora said Gill was a “messiah” for the police force. “He led us during the days of terrorism. For the Punjab Police, he never did retire. I continued to consult him even after he had retired.” Promising to protect peace and amity in Punjab, he added: “We will not let him (Gill) down.”Calling him “Punjab ka Jarnail (General)”, former BJP minister Laxmi Kanta Chawla said those who respected the country’s unity and integrity would appreciate Gill’s contribution.Former Haryana Chief Minister Bhupinder Singh Hooda arrived along with MLA Karan Singh Dalal. He described Gill as “a true nationalist.” Others at the bhog ceremony were president of the All-India Anti-Terrorist Front MS Bitta, Congress MPs Abhijit Mukherjee and KTS Tulsi, former captain of the Indian hockey team Ajitpal Singh, Punjab MLA Rana Gurmit Singh Sodhi and adviser to Punjab CM BIS Chahal, besides bureaucrats. No leader from AAP or the SAD attended the bhog. — TNS


2 soldiers killed in Anantnag ambush

2 soldiers killed in Anantnag ambush
Naik Dipak Maity (L) and Grenadier Manivannan G

Anantnag, June 3

Two Army men were killed and four injured when their convoy came under heavy firing from militants in Hillar village of Anantnag district along the Srinagar-Jammu NH this morning. The attack comes a day after Army Chief General Bipin Rawat chaired a high-level security meeting at 15 Corps headquarters in Srinagar.“The militants fired indiscriminately, leaving at least six Army men injured,” Deputy Inspector General  (South Kashmir Range) SP Pani said. The injured were rushed to the Army’s base hospital in Badamibagh cantonment, Srinagar, where two of them — Naik Dipak  Maity, 43, from Midnapur, West Bengal, and Grenadier Manivannan G, 24, from Thiruvannamalai, Tamil Nadu — succumbed to their injuries.(Follow The Tribune on Facebook; and Twitter @thetribunechd)An Army spokesperson said the condition of the other four was stable. After the attack, Hillar and adjoining villages were cordoned off and searched. Locals claimed the fierce attack and subsequent deployment of security forces brought traffic on the national highway to a halt for a couple of hours. Disagreeing, DIG Pani said the traffic was normal after  20 minutes. The Hizbul-Mujahideen has claimed responsibility for the attack. In a joint operation, the Army and the police had killed Hizb commander Sabzar Ahmad Bhat in Tral area of Pulwama district last week. — TNS

CM pays tributes to two Army jawans killed at Qazigund

Srinagar, June 3

Chief Minister Mehbooba Mufti has paid tributes to the two Army jawans who were killed when a convoy in which they travelling was attacked at Lower Munda, Qazigund, today.The Chief Minister has extended her heartfelt condolences to the bereaved families of the slain soldiers. She has also conveyed her sympathies to the soldiers who were injured in the incident.Mehbooba said that it was unfortunate that an unending cycle of violence had got unleashed in the society which only spread miseries and desperation. — TNS


2 Army jawans killed, 4 injured in militant attack on convoy in J&K

2 Army jawans killed, 4 injured in militant attack on convoy in J&K
The army at the attack site. Tribune photo: Amin War

Suhail A Shah

Anantnag, June 3

Two army jawans were killed and four others were injured as militants opened fire on their convoy in Qazigund area in Kulgam district on Saturday.The attack took place around 11 am along the Srinagar-Jammu national highway.Initial reports say the convoy was moving from Srinagar to Jammu when militants struck near Wuzur village along the highway.

(Follow The Tribune on Facebook; and Twitter @thetribunechd)

Army sources confirmed the number of injured.“The injured have been shifted to hospital,” sources said.The area, meanwhile, has been cordoned off by police and army and efforts are on to nab the attackers.


Punjab & Haryana HC Upholds Minimum Age Limit of 17 Years for NEET [Read Judgment)

The Punjab and Haryana High Court on Saturday upheld the minimum age criterion of 17 years prescribed for taking the National Eligibility-cum-Entrance Test (NEET) for admission to MBBS/BDS courses. Justice Rakesh Kumar Jain ruled that taking the test…without fulfilling the age criteria would only amount to exhausting of a chance….

The Court was hearing a Petition filed by a minor, Kuldeep Singh Malik, through his father Ranbir Singh Malik. The Petitioner was supposed to complete 17 years of age in February, 2018, and had challenged an eligibility criterion which prescribed tha…
The Court, however, noted that the Petitioner’s contentions were “fallacious” as a minimum age limit of 17 years is prescribed under Regulation 4(1) of the Medical Council of India Regulation on Graduate Medical Education, 1997, as framed in  accordance with Section 33 of the Act. It further noted that the vires of Regulation 4(1) has already been tested and upheld in the case of Ankit Chaturvedi v. Union of India and others, 2016 AIR (Allahabad) 126….

Moreover, the Petitioner had, during the proceedings, been allowed to fill the online/manual application for NEET-2017 (held on May 7), subject to the outcome of the Petition. He had now pleaded to withdraw the Petition, and avail three chances to o appear in NEET. The chance availed by the Petitioner, under the court order, may not be counted, he had demanded. The Court, however, refused to allow this, and observed, “The contention of the petitioner is totally fallacious… there is no merit  in the present petition and the same is hereby dismissed. It is also ordered that since one chance, under the order of this court, by misrepresenting the facts has already been availed by the petitioner, he can avail two chances more…of the first attempt need not be declared because he was underage.”…

Read more at: http://www.livelaw.in/punjab-haryana-hc-upholds-minimum-age-limit-17-years-neet/#.WVGqFNx4LXg.whatsappi…