Sanjha Morcha

Reduction of BOPs: Parliamentary panel takes serious note

Reduction of BOPs: Parliamentary panel takes serious note
Army jawans patrol along LoC in Jammu and Kashmir. Tribune file photo

New Delhi, April 23

A parliamentary panel has taken strong exception to the government’s move to reduce the number of new outposts along the Indo-Pak and the Indo-Bangla borders, saying such posts are crucial for the country’s security.

The Parliamentary Standing Committee on Home Affairs, headed by senior Congress leader P Chidambaram, said no reasons were furnished by the home ministry on why the proposal to construct 509 additional border out posts (BOPs) in the two borders had been revised and reduced to 422.

The panel recommended that the original plan of constructing 509 BOPs should be reconsidered in the interest of the country’s security.

“Reducing inter-BOP distance is very crucial for the security of the country and to keep a tab on the activities going on at the border,” the panel said in its report.

In 2009, the government had approved a proposal to construct additional 509 BOPs along the Indo-Pak and the Indo-Bangla border at an estimated cost of Rs 1,832 crore. In 2016, the scope of the project was revised by the Cabinet Committee on Security from 509 BOPs to 422 BOPs.

At present, there are 609 BOPs along the 3,323 km-long Indo-Pak border and an additional 126 BOPs (including upgrading of 38 BOPs in Jammu) are to be constructed to reduce the inter-BOP distance to 3.5 km.

There are 802 BOPs along 4,096 km-long Indo-Bangla border where the additional 383 BOPs were to be constructed.

The parliamentary panel said even the reduced target was not achieved and only 97 BOPs have been completed by the end of 2016 along the Indo-Bangla border. It has also taken serious view of the cost and time overrun due to delay in land acquisition.

“The government should have taken advance action to overcome all such difficulties for timely implementation of the project,” it said.

There will be barracks, generator room, kitchen, toilet block and officers’ chamber in each of the BOP.

The committee said it was anguished over the extremely slow pace of construction of fencing along the Indo-Bangla border as the home ministry has been able to complete just 21 km of fencing in 17 months since July 2015.

“The committee notes that a long stretch of 423.34 km has remained unfenced due to non-feasibility of physical barrier and deployment of non-physical barriers is still in its testing phase and will require time before its implementation,” it said. — PTI


Of fauji vote bank and failed promises BY Col (retd) Dabby S De Mello

On September 15, 2013, in an election rally at Rewari the BJP had promised to implement the One Rank One Pension scheme. Almost three years later, the promise has still not been fulfilled. The issue is far from being resolved. The nurturing of the armed forces en bloc has created a new vote bank.

Of fauji vote bank and failed promises
Veteran ex-servicemen protest against the non-implementation of the One Rank One Pension scheme outside Finance Minister Arun Jaitley’s residence in New Delhi. PTI

IN present-day India, come elections, the political parties throng to the various vote banks.  On September 15, 2013, one more vote bank was added to the existing list; the “Armed Forces Vote Bank”. Persons from the armed forces, especially  retired soldiers, are a fairly close-knit community.The mollycoddling of the military had thus far not been openly attempted by any political party even though politicisation had been going on for long. The collective mindset of the veterans it seems altered on  September 15, 2013. On this day they (rightly or wrongly) allowed themselves to be considered a vote bank, perhaps due to the feeling that they have been taken for granted. In the run-up to 2014 General Election, a poll strategist of the BJP apparently came up with a bright idea: “Why not tap the neutral armed forces, serving as well as retired, and use them as a vote bank”. The idea, appreciated by one and all as one whose time had come, was considered a master stroke. A survey was conducted to ascertain the numerical strength of this vote bank.  The strength of the three services —the Army, Navy and the Air Force regulars is already well known. The district and state sainik boards have the data regarding the ex-servicemen, military widows and the reservists. The combined strength of the three services as per the Indian Defence Year Book is around 14 lakh, ex-servicemen constitute nearly 26.5 lakh, military widows and war widows 6.5 lakh and 45.5 thousand, respectively, (a testimony to the huge, but unrecognised, national sacrifice of our soldiers and the most unjustly  neglected lot), the reservists are 1.7 lakh. The sum total is 49.1 lakh. Multiply it by a modest figure of  10 (family members and close friends) and the simple arithmetic  gives you a whopping and magic number  of 4.91 crore. A pan-India electorate which could influence 110 parliamentary seats, if evenly dispersed constituency wise. If the demographic spread is slightly uneven, the influence pattern may get marginally reduced but would still be formidable. Sometime during the middle of 2013, the BJP started a primary membership drive for ex-servicemen. The veterans were excited about being part of the electoral process, something denied to them since Independence. They even got a (misplaced) feeling of empowerment. Within a couple of months, the membership grew unexpectedly. Senior veterans organised motivational workshops at the block and district level and the middle-level ones motivated those  at the village and mohalla level. The agenda was to project the BJP as a jawan-friendly party, worth giving a chance to. The disciplined and obedient vote bank was shaping well. For the game plan to work, the BJP needed a believable electoral promise, a bait attractive enough for the faujis to bite, and an organisation with a strong leadership to spread the promise to the jawans throughout the country. The bait already existed for the ex-servicemen — the promise to implement One Rank One Pension (OROP) for defence pensioners. Prior to this, to press home the longstanding demand of OROP, in 2008 the entire ex-servicemen community came under one umbrella, with the formation of the United Front of Ex-Service Men (UFESM), headed by a retired General officer. Since then the UFESM made its presence felt all over India in support of the highly emotive issue of OROP. Poll strategists of the BJP were monitoring the influence and expanse of this front of disciplined and obedient ex-servicemen who would obey their seniors, including voting en masse for a particular political party in the polls. The aim as well as the mechanism to spread it among the 4.91 crore-strong armed forces vote bank were readily available. The only thing the BJP needed was a master stroke to showcase a supposedly charismatic figure and kick-start the campaign. It was a win-win strategy. The BJP had one  in Narendra Modi. Now that the statistics had been worked out, the BJP and the veterans devised a plan to collect the ex-servicemen and tell them that the BJP was truly a jawan-friendly party, committed to safeguarding their interests. Accordingly, Rewari a small town in southern Haryana was chosen as the venue for the All-India Ex- Servicemen Rally on September 15, 2013, to be addressed by Narendra Modi, the projected prime ministerial candidate. Captain Abhimanyu, a veteran and a BJP heavyweight in Haryana, was tasked to organise the rally. Handouts with tri-services colours and the lotus logo were distributed far and wide. Narendra Modi had quietly been declared the prime ministerial candidate on September 13, 2013 but it was on  September 15, when  he addressed his maiden election rally at Rewari that this was publicly announced. The rally was attended by 31 retired generals, many more brigadiers and colonels ( I was one of them ), majors and captains running into hundreds, and an estimated seven lakh JCOs and jawans — all flashing their shining miniature or full medals on their chests. A photographer’s delight indeed. Narendra Modi mounted the stage, bowed five times in front of the ex-servicemen and there was a thunderous roar by the upbeat veterans: “Dekho, dekho kaun aaya! Bharat Ma ka sher aaya”. Yes the lion, the would-be king had arrived. The lion mesmerised the audience with his one hour and five minutes’ flawless oratory. He  mentioned that some political parties were indulging in vote-bank politics with the military and they should not fall prey to them. What he said in the 47th minute of his speech was what the entire defence fraternity was waiting for. “Hamare fauji bhaiyon ki wazib maang sweekar honi chahiye”. He continued, “Your longstanding and just demand of One Rank One Pension has been pending since so many years. Why?”He further added, “Had our government come to power in 2004, fauji bhaiyo, maanniye Vajpeyi ji would have ensured that your wazib demand of One Rank One Pension was met and the honour and dignity of the serving and retired is restored”. It had an instant connect with the jubilant audience. Another roar by the now totally mesmerised, or should we say brainwashed innocent faujis, “Dekho dekho kaun bol raha. Bharat ma ka sher bol raha”. After the massive response by the ex-servicemen in Modi’s maiden election rally at Rewari, for the NDA (read the BJP) the wind of approval seemed favourable, the sea seemed calm and the Ark (vote bank of the ex-servicemen) seemed ready too. All it needed was a call from the General to all veterans to vote for the BJP to ensure the BJP’s Ark, sails through. At the appropriate time, the General gave a call to the entire fraternity of ex-servicemen throughout India: “Vote for the BJP. Modiji has promised to fulfil our demand of One Rank One Pension”. The entire defence fraternity of 4.91 crore responded to the General’s rallying cry and en masse as a vote bank cast their ballot for the BJP. As a result, over one-fifth of the NDA’s thumping majority in the 2014 General Election was courtesy the soldiers in and out of uniform. On September 15, 2013, a new vote bank, the “Armed Forces Vote Bank” was rightly or wrongly formed. The defence pensioners have been given just a one-time raise in their pension and the government has maliciously termed this raise as One Rank One Pension. The Prime Minister has the utmost affection for the jawans but his colleagues and his subordinates (bureaucrats) seem to have misinformed him, resulting in him repeatedly telling a lie to the nation about granting of the One Rank One pension to the faujis. The veterans feel let down at this sellout. Surely they are not foolish enough to continue to agitate  if the OROP had been granted. The number of veterans sitting at the Jantar Mantar for the past one year and nine months, without break, asking for their promised One Rank One Pension is increasing day by day. It is not merely the unkept promise  by the Prime Minister to the faujis. Modi, a world-class statesman and the head of the government is repeatedly misinforming the country at the cost of serving and retired soldiers just to convince the larger electorate — the civilians— about his good governance. In 2014, the General gave a call to the serving and the retired soldiers and all responded. They always do. Come 2019, and the General will again give a call but that time the narrative may not be the same as it was in 2014.

 Shri Narendra Modi speech at Ex-Servicemen Rally in Rewari, Haryana: 15.09.2013

Maj Gen (retd) on pan-India bicycle tour

Maj Gen (retd) on pan-India bicycle tour

Una, April 7

Maj Gen (retd) Somnath Jha and his wife Chitra Jha were given a warm reception at the District Sainik Welfare Office on their arrival from Hamirpur. Jha is traversing the country on his bicycle to pay homage to the martyrs who made the supreme sacrifice for the country.Maj (Retd) Raghbir Singh, Deputy Director of the District Sainik Welfare Office, along with hundreds of ex-servicemen and their family members, welcomed Jha.Speaking on the occasion, Jha said after his retirement in September 2016, he decided to tour the nation to pay homage to martyrs and on October 19, 2016, he began his journey. He said during his tour, he had interacted with families of martyrs living in 21 states. —OC


Collector rates reduced in Mohali

Akash Ghai

Tribune News Service

Mohali, April 6

Bringing cheer to the local people, the Mohali administration today reduced the collector rates by 10 to 15 per cent on residential, commercial and industrial properties, here .However, there will be no change in the rate of agricultural land. The new rates have come into force with immediate effect.Under the new scenario, the residential properties in certain sectors have been cut by Rs 2,000 per sq yd while no change in the rates is being witnessed in developing sectors, including Sector 85 to Sector 122.The main old parts of the town saw a marginal reduction of Rs 1,000 per sq yd in the rates.The commercial property too witnessed reduction in the rates by Rs 1,500 per sq yd to Rs 10,000 per sq yd at different locations.Similarly, the industrial area too saw a cut in the rate from Rs 1500 per sq yd to 2000 per sq yd in different parts.In the residential sector, now the highest rates (Rs 18000) are in Sector 60, Phase VII (Sector 61), 3B1, 3B2 and Sector 69 to Sector 71. Earlier, the rates in these parts were Rs 20,000 per sq yd. There is no change in the rates at Ivory Tower (Sector 70), Pancham Society (Sector 68), Mohali Cooperative Society (Sector 68), Army flats (Sector 67, 68), Darshan Vihar (Sector 68), Mundi Cooperative Society (Sector 70), Golden Towers (Sector 68), Multi-Tech Towers Group Housing-2 (Sectors 90, 91) The rates in these housing complexes still remain Rs 1,600 per sq yd except the Golden Towers, where the rates remain at Rs 1,500 per sq yd.The lowest rates (Rs 9,000) are in the residential sector. In Sector 122, no change in the rates has taken place.In commercial arena, Sectors 60, 61 and 70 are on the top of the list, with rates of Rs 90,000 per sq yd. The Bulk Material Market and Sector 122 have the lowest rates — Rs 20,000 per sq yd.Phase 1 to IX in the Industrial Area saw the highest rates (Rs 9,000 per sq yd) while three industrial sectors— 66A, 82 and 83 have the lowest rates — Rs 5,000 per sq yd.When contacted, Mohali Deputy Commissioner Gurpreet Kaur Sapra said the rates had been reduced as per the conditions on the ground. “Our teams study the conditions here and then fix the new rates,” said the Deputy Commissioner.Mohali SDM Anuprita Johal said the new rates had come into force with immediate effect.Welcoming the reduction in rates, Shailender Anand, former chairman of the Mohali Property Consultants’ Association said the development would give some relief to consumers and the real estate sector. “The government should also reduce the registration charges (total 11 per cent) now to boost the real estate market in the state,” said Anand.


Punjab government declares holiday on Guru Nabha Das’s birthday on April 8

Punjab government declares holiday on Guru Nabha Das’s birthday on April 8
Capt Amarinder Singh. File photo

Tribune News Service

Chandigarh, April 6

The Punjab Government has declared a public holiday on April 8, Saturday, in all its offices, educational institutes and boards/corporations on account of the birth anniversary of Guru Nabha Das.
An official spokesperson announced this here on Thursday.Girdawari to assess damage to wheat due to hailstorm, rainChief Minister Capt Amarinder Singh has ordered a special girdawari (survey) to assess the damage caused to the wheat crop due to hailstorm and unseasonal rain across the state.

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A Punjab government spokesperson said the Chief Minister had directed all deputy commissioners to get the losses incurred by the farmers ascertained immediately to ensure adequate and timely compensation to them.The DCs have been instructed to initiate the assessment process, especially in regions from where reports of damage to the rabi wheat crop have been received.The state government is fully committed to adequately compensating the farmers for any losses suffered due to vagaries of the weather, said the spokesperson.


Airport arrest: Custody of jawan given to Army

Ishfaq Tantry

Tribune News Service

Srinagar, April 4

A court in Kashmir on Tuesday handed over the custody of a jawan, who was arrested with two live grenades at Srinagar International Airport on Monday, to the Army.The Commanding Officer of the accused jawan told the court that he would be dealt with and proceeded against under the Army Act.JAK Rifles’ Bhupal Mukhia, a West Bengal resident, currently posted on the Line of Control in the Uri sector of Baramulla district in north Kashmir, was to board a Delhi-bound flight on Monday morning when two live grenades were recovered from his luggage during screening at the main gate of the airport. He was immediately taken into custody by the anti-hijacking squad of the police and an FIR was registered.In the application moved by the Commanding Officer of the jawan before the Court of Special Mobile Magistrate, in Budgam district today, it was pleaded that the custody of Bhupal be handed over to the Army as it was investigating the matter on its own and wanted to proceed against him under its own laws.“Because he is a serving member of the armed forces, he will be dealt with and proceeded against as per the Army Act,” the counsel representing the Army argued before the court today while praying that his custody be handed over to the Army.While granting the plea of the Commanding Officer, the court also granted interim bail to the jawan before handing over his custody to the Army.The court has fixed next hearing on April 6 when both police and Army are expected to report to it.


Indian Army’s neighbourhood diplomacy is in good steed

NEW DELHI : The Indian Army breeds some of the finest horses and the equines seem to have cementedtheirreputationasthe force’s favourite gift to countries in the neighbourhood.

HT FILEIn 2008, the then army chief General Deepak Kapoor handed over two stallions and four mares to the Bangladesh army as a token of goodwill and friendship.

Army chief General Bipin Rawat presented seven animals —astallionlightbreed, twobrood mares, twogeldsandtwodonkey stallions — tohisNepalicounterpart General Rajendra Chhetri earlierthisweek, duringhisfourday visit to the Himalayan country. The Indian Army’s horses aremuchsoughtafterandsometimesgivenvoluntarilyasagoodwill gesture or following a request from a neighbouring army.

The Indian Army’s animal transportunitsplayanimportant role in carrying rations and stores to remote posts where vehicles cannot reach.

The President of Nepal conferred the title of Honorary General of the Nepalese Army on GeneralRawatataspecialinvestitureceremonyonMarch29. The tradition is areciprocalarrangement between the two countries that has continued uninterrupted since 1969. General Chettri wasgiventhetitleofHonorary General of the Indian Army during his first official visit to the country in February 2016.

Nepalisnotthefirstcountryto receive Indian Army’s horses.

In 2008, the then army chief General Deepak Kapoor handed overtwostallionsandfourmares to the Bangladesh army as a tokenofgoodwillandfriendship. Kapoor handed over the reins of the horses to his Bangladeshi counterpart General Moeen U Ahmed at a special ceremony. The animals were bred at the army’s Remount Veterinary Corps stud farms at Hisar and Babugarh.

The transfer of horses has not alwaysbeensmooth. Afewyears ago, the Sri Lankan army had soughtsixhorsesfromIndia. The proposal, however, got stuck in redtape. Verypromptly, thePakistani Army stepped in and provided the horses that Sri Lanka had sought.

India did gift six horses to Sri Lanka Military Academy (SLMA) in Diyatalawa for trainingtwoyearsagobutitwasmuch after Pakistan had met the requirement.

Army officials said Myanmar has also received horses as gifts fromtheIndianArmy. Arounda year ago, the army gifted 26 horses and mules to the neighbouringarmy. Soimpressedwas the Myanmarese army with the well-bred animals that within a few months it bought 15 more horses from the Indian Army.

“Our horses are as sturdy as our men and in high demand,” said a senior officer.


Capt, 2 soldiers die in Kupwara attack

Majid Jahangir

Tribune News Service

Panzgam (Kupwara), April 27

A Captain and two soldiers were killed and five others injured when militants carried out a fidayeen attack on an Army camp in Kupwara district today.Two of the militants were gunned down while one managed to escape from a well-fortified Army garrison during the early morning gunfight. Later in the day, the Army allegedly fired at protesters seeking bodies of the militants, killing one and injuring three others.The spacious artillery garrison on a perch surrounded by huge mountains at Panzgam, close to the Line of Control (LoC), was stormed by militants from the rear side of the camp by cutting the barbed wire. After storming the base at the crack of dawn, the militants attempted to enter the living area of the camp. “As they sneaked in, they started running towards the living area of the units in the garrison.(Follow The Tribune on Facebook; and Twitter @thetribunechd)“The alert sentry fired at them and ensured they do not enter the living area. Taking advantage of the darkness, the militants started moving inwards where the Quick Reaction Team (QRT) fired from all directions, forcing them to withdraw and run towards the exit of the garrison,” said Col Saurabh Joshi, Commanding Officer of 312 Artillery, at a press briefing hours after the attack. “They were pushed out effectively and two of them were killed,” he said, adding that the operation ended within 35 minutes. Col Joshi said the third militant was injured. “He left his weapons and is on the run. Several teams are looking for him in the adjacent village,” he said.He said three AK-47 rifles, nine magazines, 47 AK rounds, 50 pistol ammunition, one UBGH, three UBGL grenades, three hand grenades, two radio sets and some food items were recovered from them.The slain were identified as Captain Ayush Yadav, 26, from Jajmau in Kanpur (UP), Subedar Bhoop Singh Gujjar, 46, from Dausa, Rajasthan, and Naik Bhoota Venkata Ramana, 38, from Visakhapatnam, Andhra Pradesh.Col Joshi said the militants seemed to be foreigners, though their identity was being established. This is the first fidayeen attack on an Army base in J&K after the Nagrota attack in November last year.  As the combing operation at the garrison was on, a group of youth and women from neighbouring villages gathered around 500 metres from the Army camp and demanded the militants’ bodies. The situation worsened around 3.30 pm when the youth hurled stones at Army vehicles. The Army opened fire on the protesters, killing a 70-year-old man and injuring three others. The civilian killing sparked fresh tension in Kupwara as clashes were reported from various places. 70-yr-old killed as Army opens fire on protesters 

  • A 70-year-old man was killed and three others were injured when the Army opened fire on a group of protesters hurling stones at Army vehicles, demanding the militants’ bodies
  • Eyewitnesses said they raised pro-militant and anti-India slogans

 


Sukma Again: There Is No Option But To Train Better And Lead Better

Sukma Again: There Is No Option But To Train Better And Lead Better

SNAPSHOT

India’s security forces must learn to shed their ego and train together more often for better institutional training.

This is perhaps the only way to avoid a repeat of the Sukma ambush.

This article has a deep sense of anguish and regret behind it. The author empathises with the families of the 25 Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) martyrs, who lost their lives in the ambush at Sukma, Chhattisgarh on 24 April, and expresses his deep condolences.

Nothing written in this analysis casts any aspersions on their martyrdom under stressful conditions of hybrid combat. This is a professional stocktaking of a negative event, something necessary to ensure that it does not happen again. We have seen too many of such incidents occur under similar circumstances and that is what brings up the urge to inform the public about the hazards of fighting an insurgency in the jungles and the remote rural areas, and how institutional or other errors must be avoided to maintain domination and prevent casualties.

Many years ago while serving the United Nations in Rwanda, Africa, we were in the midst of a cordon and conducting a search operation on a large Hutu camp, which was reported to have some presence of rebels and weapons.

One of the international contingents serving under my command stopped answering the radio at 12.30pm. After much distress about their safety, I drove to their location only to find that the entire unit was taking a lunch and a snooze break. I had to swallow hard to shake off my anger but soon realised it’s “to each to his culture”.

Media on 25 April reported, that a full company of 74 CRPF battalion was at lunch when it was ambushed. I do not believe what the media has reported, but the mere mention here is sufficient to send home a message that if there is an iota of truth in this then surely we are far from where we could control this insurgency.

The fact remains that the turbulence in Jammu and Kashmir will always sway the imagination of the public. It’s a movement based on proxy support, from across the Line of Control (LoC), and involves threats to the integrity of India since it is separatist in nature.

The naxalite/Maoist insurgency has received attention in spurts and mostly when there have been large scale casualties. The public knows that no part of the so-called Red Corridor is going to separate from India.

Also, there is no issue which generates as much passion as religion does, and this is not about religion, it’s about another ideology. It’s time Indians wake up and realise the threats within the heartland causing nationwide heartburn in the most frustrating way.

Some conceptual issues first.

Each time there is a major emergency situation, there is demand for deploying the Army in the Red Corridor.

Former home minister P Chidambaram wanted that too, by repealing the Armed Forces Special Powers Acts (AFSPA) from Jammu and Kashmir, so that the Army can no longer be deployed there.

The then Army chief strongly opposed the idea, and the rationale behind his resistance, which has often been written by me, needs to be retold.

It is quite simple. When the Army is deployed in counter-insurgency operations in the rimland states, it has to be the lead agency in charge. That’s because there is scope for secession and change of boundary which must be prevented at all cost. Secondly, in a festering insurgency, which may go on for years, the Army has to ensure that there are enough measures in place to protect its administrative installations such as ammunition dumps and logistics areas, which it cannot simply leave to rear area security under a civil defence system.

In the heartland, there are no such compulsions. Besides, the Army committed to heartland operations is left out of battle if the borders were to activate. If deployed in the rimland that disadvantage ceases to exist.

So the heartland, which is where the Naxal areas are, will need to be handled by the Central Armed Police Force (CAPF) which can be supplemented by other forces that have the necessary experience.

The CRPF was designated as the core force for counter insurgency operations in the country by the Kargil Review Committee, a recommendation endorsed by the Group of Ministers (GoM) and approved by the Union Cabinet.

It has undertaken the tough responsibility and partially succeeded against many odds.

The worst thing at this time is for people from different forces to pick holes and criticise the CRPF. Being from the Army, I am conscious of a couple of things regarding such operations, which I have been fortunate enough to have experienced in plenty.

I will make every effort to make this a critique and not criticism. The Army too suffered heavy casualties last year in Jammu and Kashmir, and its kill ratios plummeted for the first time in years. However, the casualties were mostly administrative in nature.

There was never a case of a patrol, road opening party or search and destroy element which was adversely affected by militant action except for the recent case of 44 Rashtriya Rifles (RR) when a returning convoy of troops was duped and ambushed at 2am. It also needs to be mentioned that the CRPF’s adversary is known to fight in the strength of 300-500 and that’s when it succeeds. It does not require an equal-sized force to match the strengths of militants. The force has to be agile, well-armed, equipped, trained and led; the last being the most important.

I can recall how 9 Para SF, one of the most accomplished units of the Indian Army, operated in Sri Lanka against the best-trained cadres of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE).

From it, I learnt that the most valuable ammunition in the jungle are the 84 mm high explosive rockets. If caught in an ambush in the wilderness, firing this at close range, in air burst mode or against the trees had the LTTE scamper for cover. The SF men sacrificed water and rations in their packs to carry an extra rocket each.

Units which learnt these untaught strategies succeeded in neutralising the LTTE, others suffered just as the CRPF units continue to suffer.

Let me make this clear, the CRPF units have never lacked courage or perseverance in the face of odds. It’s just that the officers training them have never had the opportunity to witness some professionally conducted operations.

I am aware how much my unit had to experiment and that too under the leadership of a Commanding Officer, who was a hard taskmaster but encouraged innovation at every step. No one is going to appreciate paeans being sung to the Army, which also has suffered casualties in the recent past but, admittedly the institutional correction system works a little better in the Army. This is particularly when it comes to the operational aspects, not in the field of administrative security measures which continues to bedevil all the forces in India.

In the jungle terrain cutting across state boundaries, there is no other resource as useful as helicopters. Unmanned aerial vehicle or UAVs are fine, but the helicopter gives an added advantage. It’s not easy to penetrate thick foliage for telltale signs, but helicopters are also deterrents.

I many times attribute the reasons for some of our very successful operations in Sri Lanka to the presence of Air Force and Army Aviation’s rotary resources. The Ranjit helicopter, crude as it had a great effect in the jungles when the MMG mounted on it fired at cyclic rates into the foliage. The response of a Ranjit is many times faster than an MPV-based quick reaction team on the ground which has to move along an expected route and beat back ambushes awaiting it.

The CRPF has been seeking an aviation arm and needs to be given one. It’s not as if it will become effective overnight. Aviation culture takes many years to sink in.

In the interim, this is where the Army Aviation and Air Force need to step in to provide operational support. It’s the frustrating inability to get our act together in the field of helicopter acquisition that may be hampering the operational effectiveness of a force which we love to blame for everything.

It has been an ad nauseum that the CRPF is headless for the last two months. Procedurally, it makes a difference, but at the lower level, this is no reason for a tactical lapse.

There are far greater reasons than all this, and they dwell primarily on the concept of operations and employment of resources. In an encounter seven years ago, a naxalite force of 300 militants killed 75 jawans of the CRPF and decamped a large number of weapons and explosives. This time they have repeated it.

In the jungles, militants who know the terrain like the back of their palms can attack using routes unknown to the force. Obviously, the local unit and sub-unit has little idea of intelligence and cultivating local sources.

Not everyone has a knack for doing it; there are a few who are extremely good at it. The Border Security Force (BSF) follows a very efficient system of keeping their G section representatives in an area for many years. Many of them have operated with me, and I was amazed by their depth of knowledge and acumen. This is where inter-force lessons need to be learnt.

Unfortunately, in India, inter-force lesson learning is a rarity due to the king-sized egos of senior officers. I never hesitate to state that the BSF and sometimes the Special Operations Group of the Jammu and Kashmir Police have taught me lessons I could never learn elsewhere. It is the disdain for each other’s effectiveness that acts as the obstacle towards learning, and it goes right up to the level of ministries.

I continue to believe that the bane of institutional weaknesses in India’s security forces is the lack of continuity in passing it on. The Army is equally bad at it and is often left to reinvent the wheel.

This is despite the presence of such outstanding facilities for institutional learning, research and recall such as the Army War College. The police forces have their academies and that wonderful institution the National Police Academy of which I too am an alumnus. In 1991, I attended a course there and gave a talk on my experience of operating in Sri Lanka. The faculty and the students loved it, listening to the experience of a member of another force.

Today, 25 years later, that level of interaction should have gone up 20 times. Instead, it has regressed to a level of zero. I remain one of the lonely Army speakers at the institution.

There are a lot of responses to this unfortunate incident but hardly any mature and constructive ones. If we have to do away with the Indian Police Service (IPS) making senior appointments of the CAPFs, it’s going to take a decision of statesmanship and won’t happen in a hurry.

Even if it does, it will take many years for a new CRPF leadership to emerge. It’s the interim we are concerned about, and national security cannot be held ransom to the cadre management of police forces. We simply have to get over this one way or the other and stop the ostrich attitude.

To ward off any criticism for not having given more useful recommendations. Let me recommend a few which have been given many times before. Firstly, I think the Sukma area can be treated as a unique sector. Let us induct a Para SF unit here on a demonstration basis. But SF needs the reassurance of backup and confidence in that.

Perhaps an Assam Rifles (AR) sector with three AR units could be superimposed. The RR sectors have a greater conventional operational role and with the situation as it is in Jammu and Kashmir, shedding a valuable resource from there may not be appropriate.

The superimposed deployment model is not something strange and has been in existence in the Valley for long.

Secondly, a flight of armed helicopters should be provided to the sector. The logistics of this sector for both the AR and the CRPF be done on the Operation Pawan model where the road was opened only once in two to three weeks, and the normal maintenance was by helicopter.

Thirdly, more UAVs be made available by the Army and Air Force; it’s good operational training if nothing else.

Fourthly, intelligence be taken by the horns. Let this be the focus area under a single agency with operational and training deployment. The intelligence operatives must have long-term deployment and be adequately compensated.

And lastly, India’s security forces must learn to shed ego and train together more often for better institutional training.

My regret for the loss of Indian warriors and Indian lives, but let us seriously train and operate together with greater synergy.