~ Late Captain Saurabh Kalia

Rescuers search for survivors at the site of a train derailment in Pukhrayan, south of Kanpur, Uttar Pradesh, on November 20, 2016.

REUTERS







~ Late Captain Saurabh Kalia
ORDERLY/batman/sahayak/buddy…these are terms to describe the same man. Who is he? He is one who has been, and remains, an intrinsic part of an Army officer’s life. Over the past few years, and more recently, he is mentioned in the media in a manner that gives a wrong idea to the civilian public. The idea being put across is that combat manpower is being misused for the benefits of officers and their families. There have been ripostes by some retired Army officers, mainly in social media, justifying the presence of a buddy (current term) in the retinue of an officer. Some mention the large number of men at the residences of police and IAS officers, being used for all kinds of domestic work, including cooking and house cleaning. It is a fact that police officers, DSP level onwards, use constables for domestic work and IAS officers at the district level maintain a large number of unauthorised staff at home. But I do not think an Army officer needs this to justify the allotment of his buddy. A batman/buddy is authorised to an officer because of the nature of his work in war and peace. It is a system which we have picked up from the British Indian Army. Although he is meant to look after the officer, he becomes a part of the family wherein the children call him ‘bhaiya’. Sometimes, he will see off/receive the kids at school bus stops. He is, however, never made to do menial work like cleaning the house or any kitchen work. This buddy forms a strong relationship with his officer that remains even after retirement. As a Commanding Officer, I had a number of buddies over a four-year period. After I retired, I was pleasantly surprised to get calls from them. They had retired and requested for help to get their sons recruited into the Army, or a job in the civil sector. I could never say no to their call for help. I felt it was my turn to be their buddy. So, I arranged for them to get good training for the recruitment tests. Some managed to join the Army, others got jobs in the civil sector. Recently my son, got married in the US, and we organised a reception in Delhi. He specifically asked me to invite his ‘bhaiyas’. I sent an invite to a couple of them. On the morning of the reception, I got a call from my old buddy, who had come all the way from his village in Bihar. I was overwhelmed. That evening, he came properly dressed to the Officers’ Mess, with a bouquet of flowers. My son, who had last seen him 30 years ago, embraced him. I made him sit with my regimental officers. When we parted company later that evening, it was with a big hug between two buddies. This is the buddy system of the Army. I do not think such a relationship exists in the civil services. Why compare?
CHANDIGARH: Two secret meetings set up between Rajiv Gandhi, then Congress member of Parliament, and militant preacher Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale in the run-up to Operation Bluestar were scuttled by then Punjab Congress chief minister Darbara Singh, reveals an upcoming book on Captain Amarinder Singh.
‘The People’s Maharaja’, an authorised biography of the erstwhile scion of Patiala royalty by young author Khushwant Singh, sheds new light on the sequence of political blunders that led to the 1984 army action at Harmandar Sahib – a catastrophic event which changed the course of the nation’s history.
Amarinder, who was a Lok Sabha MP at that time, had laid the ground for the Rajiv-Bhindranwale meetings on instructions from then Prime Minister Indira Gandhi in October 1982.
Realising that peace in Punjab could no longer be achieved without bringing Bhindranwale on board, she asked Amarinder to carry out back-end negotiations with the militant preacher, who was a ‘fellow Sidhu’ (both hail from the same Jat Sikh clan). Amarinder had not met Bhindranwale before. DARING MISSION
The 394-page book, slated for release on February 21, graphically reveals how on a freezing December night, Amarinder and his brother Malwinder Singh, armed with two pistols, drove to Bhindranwale’s native village, Rode in Faridkot district, on a secret mission.
Both brothers blissfully slept in Bhindranwale’s bed before the latter returned home past midnight. Amarinder broke the ice by bringing up the Patiala royal family’s historic ties with 10th Sikh master, Guru Gobind Singh.
Bhindranwale’s key demand was a meeting with Indira Gandhi on his turf in Punjab but later he agreed to see Amarinder’s Doon school mate Rajiv.
During the same meeting, the fiery preacher told Amarinder since the Patiala family had been blessed by his Bapuji, as he addressed the 10th Guru, no one will be allowed to harm them as long as he’s alive, says the book. ABORTED PLANS
On the first occasion, Rajiv and Amarinder were called back by Indira Gandhi from Delhi’s Safdarjung Airport just when they were about to take off in ‘godman’ Chandraswami’s aircraft for their destination.
Amarinder believes that intelligence agencies that had got a whiff of the meeting and conveyed the same to Darbara Singh, who contacted Indira Gandhi and convinced her that it was unsafe for her son to meet Bhindranwale.
Bhindranwale was infuriated at being ditched but he was persuaded after great efforts to give Rajiv another chance. But Rajiv did not turn up yet again. This time, Amarinder and Rajiv had even taken off from Safdarjung Airport only to be recalled midway.
The reason was the same as the last time. TESTY TIES WITH THE GANDHIS
Amarinder Singh sought an appointment with Sonia Gandhi, which she flatly declined. She was infuriated and refused to meet him for months together, as his step also involved the termination of the water treaty as prescribed in the 1985 Punjab Accord (signed by Rajiv Gandhi and Harchand Singh Longowal).
Eventually, after four months, a meeting did take place. Gandhi’s opening query was: “Why did you pass that Bill?”
“For the sake of peace,” replied Amarinder in his defence. He then shared his concerns if he hadn’t passed that Bill: “Ma’am you have lost your mother-in-law and husband to terrorism. Do you want to lose yourself and your children also,” he asked.
“If I hadn’t taken this step there was every possibility of history repeating itself. There would have been another Bhindranwale and another bout of terrorism if I had allowed the digging of the canal. The entire blame would have come on to you as the president of the Congress.”
Not convinced, Sonia asked him why he hadn’t asked her before introducing the Bill.
“Would you have allowed me ma’am?” countered Amarinder. Her answer was, “No”.
“That is why I didn’t seek your permission,” he said. The Congress president slowly cooled down.
SOLDIER TO SOLDIER: MEETING MUSHARRAF
“I hope we didn’t shoot at each other during the 1965 war,” was the unexpected opening remark made by General Pervez Musharraf when Amarinder called on the then Pakistan president in Islamabad on March 15, 2005. “Not at all, I’ve done some background check on you. You were in the 1 SP (self-propelled) regiment in the Sialkot sector and I was ADC to Lt Gen Harbakhsh Singh. But you do owe my brother-in-law, Major Kanwaljit Singh Dhillon, a leg.” “What did I do?” “It was your shooting… that knocked off his leg.”
After that, there was a peal of laughter in the room when Amarinder reminded Musharraf that he was senior to him in service. “Sir, your commission date is April 1964 and mine is June 1963, making me nine months senior.”
Once a cordial tone and tenor had been set and both were talking as one soldier to another, Amarinder took out a list of names. Handing the list over to Musharraf, he said: “Sir, before we move forward, I would appreciate it if you would consider this list. They are the names of my people languishing in Pakistani jails. Many of them have completed their jail terms.”
Musharraf took a prompt note and ordered the immediate release of 83 prisoners who had completed their terms and ensured they crossed the border along with Amarinder.
REVERSAL OF FORTUNES
On the morning of March 6, 2012, in Chandigarh, when Amarinder stepped out of his bedroom to join aides to watch the Punjab assembly election results unfold on TV, he had mixed feelings. The presence of dholis, a cops and mediapersons reassured him that things would go well. Three hours later… “Can we order some sandwiches, please,” asked Amarinder. “Please make them vegetarian. There is a possibility that the results might turn around,” said the pandit sitting next to him, reciting a mantra. (The results were not going as expected by the Congress).
“Sir, please do as the pandit instructs,” said Bharat Inder Singh Chahal, who believed in soothsayers, and was probably responsible for bringing the astrologer.
“Pandit ji, we are half way through the results. The writing is on the wall. We have lost the election. At least let me have a chicken sandwich now,” said Amarinder. There was hushed laughter in the room but disbelief and shock were writ large on everyone’s faces.
“Sorry, Yuvie, I let you down,” chipped in Lt Gen Tajindar Singh Shergill, who had strategised a part of the election campaign and was earlier confident that the Congress would win close to 70 assembly seats.
“No worries Maun (Shergill’s nickname). You win some and lose some,” replied Amarinder and then got up and shook hands with his school buddy.
‘Can’t judge Amarinder by political successes or failures alone’
CHANDIGARH: An author of four books, a progressive farmer, a columnist, and a TV show host, Chandigarh-based Khushwant Singh wears many hats. But, in the past four years, he’s been increasingly sticking to one. He tells Manraj Grewal Sharma how he put everything else on hold to do justice to his latest, a biography, ‘Capt Amarinder Singh: The People’s Maharaja’.
What made you write this book on Amarinder?
It wasn’t my idea. Hay House (publishing company) had approached me before the 2012 Punjab elections. When I pitched it to him (Amarinder) three-four days after the Congress defeat, he asked who would read it. But then he agreed and the first interview took place
10-15 days later.
Was access a problem? Was it difficult to delve into his personal space?
No, he was cooperative, open and frank. I researched a lot and then framed my questions. We would chat for an hour or two before the trickle of people would begin. I must have read over 30 books besides the white paper on Punjab post-Operation Bluestar, old gazettes, and newspapers. I also interviewed his family members, friends, course-mates at the National Defence Academy (NDA), staff, and bureaucrats. The notes left by his German governess, Hede Dayal, with her son, Mickey Dayal, were particularly illuminating. I also got hold of his school reports.
Isn’t the title deferential?
I don’t think so. It was a working title, and it stuck. Also, people are really drawn to Amarinder. He used to be covered with blueblack marks while canvassing in Amritsar.
Did he ever try to control the book?
No, never. Not once did he ask me to delete or insert something. I corroborated all the information I got, and tried to make the narrative as accurate and objective as possible. I felt so much responsibility towards history, towards Punjab, towards the subject. Also, you can’t give Amarinder a report card based only on his political successes or failures. He has so many facets; he writes, reads, cooks, travels.
Why did Amarinder ally with Congress, perceived as the villain of the piece in Punjab after 1984?
Rukhsana Sultana (actor Amrita Singh’s mother) persuaded him to rejoin the Congress. He was in political oblivion after being refused a ticket by the Akali Dal in 1997. He had to park himself somewhere. For the Congress, he was the only face with which they could go to Punjab, given his heritage and resignation over Operation Bluestar (1984).
Why this timing of release?
It’s sheer coincidence. This project consumed four prime years of my life; it changed the way I look at Punjab; it made me mature. I never knew when it would end. I sent the manuscript to the publishers in August-September 2016.
New Delhi, February 18Army Chief General Bipin Rawat today visited injured CRPF Commanding Officer Chetan Kumar Cheetah and enquired about his health at the AIIMS Trauma Centre here. Cheetah had sustained grievous injuries in an encounter with militants in North Kashmir on February 14, following which he was airlifted to AIIMS, where he is battling for life.General Rawat visited Cheetah in the afternoon and enquired about his health from the doctors attending on him, AIIMS sources said. Yesterday, Union Minister Kiren Rijiju visited the centre to enquire about the condition of the injured CRPF officer. — PTI
ITBP to man Myanmar border? Cabinet security panel to decide
Assam Rifles may soon be replaced with the force guarding China border
Tribune News Service
New Delhi, February 18
The Indo-Tibetan Border Police may soon replace Assam Rifles on the Myanmar border as the Home Ministry has referred a related proposal to the Cabinet Committee on Security for its approval.Sources in the Home Ministry said the step was being taken in view of the recent unrest in Manipur as well as to allow free movement of people up to 16 km on either side of the border with Myanmar. The proposal to replace Assam Rifles with some other paramilitary force has been under consideration for long. The government had even constituted a task, headed by Joint Intelligence Committee Chairman RN Ravi, to work out the modalities. The panel had expressed concern over the infiltration of militants into India from their bases in Myanmar.The sources said the panel recommended replacing the Assam Rifles with ITBP, which had vast experience in guarding international border with China.In its report, the panel is learnt to have argued in the ITBP’s favour mainly on two counts: experience in dealing with border areas and the force requires its presence in plains so that it can rotate its personnel.The Home Ministry proposal, said sources, also stressed on streamlining the functioning of the Assam Rifles. At present, the force is under the administrative control of the Home Ministry while its operational control lies with the Defence Ministry. The dual control is learnt to be creating serious problems for the force’s smooth functioning and experts have suggested that it be brought under a single ministry.
The arrest of several Hindu youths in UP and Madhya Pradesh in the fake phone exchange racket points to a dangerous cloak-and-dagger operation, where military secrets were being compromised

Rescuers search for survivors at the site of a train derailment in Pukhrayan, south of Kanpur, Uttar Pradesh, on November 20, 2016.

REUTERS
Sometime in later half of last year when Indo-Pak tensions peaked, military operation heads in J&K received unusual calls on their landlines. The callers posed as senior officers from Delhi ‘headquarters’ and asked for details such as troop movement and deployment. Military sources say at least half-a-dozen such calls were made, and barring the last one, the officers on duty provided the information sought by the caller(s). “The sixth call was received by a Major, who grew suspicious and hung up. Later he called up the officer concerned in Delhi to inquire if he had indeed made a call. When he got a negative response, the Military Intelligence was alerted,” said a senior Army officer.Military Intelligence personnel then checked the call details and tried to find locations of the calls. Nothing could be ascertained. Some ‘unverified technical indications’ pointed towards Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh. The Anti Terrorist Squads (ATSs) of the two states were tipped off.In a few weeks, the ATSs busted a racket running fake telephone exchanges to route international calls as local through VPN (Virtual Private Network) server locations and 16 Simboxes. The kingpin is said to be Gulshan Sen, who operated behind the façade of a fake coaching centre in the Mehrauli area of Delhi. He gave his interrogators several leads, which led to 10 more arrests from Lucknow, Sitapur and Hardoi districts in Uttar Pradesh. Similarly, in Madhya Pradesh, Dhruv Saxena and his friend Mohit Agrawal were arrested. The two ran a call centre ‘Vocal Heart Infotech Pvt Ltd.’ The state ATS arrested 11 more persons. Intelligence sources said all of them were working for Pakistan’s Inter Service Intelligence and were facilitating calls from Pakistan, Afghanistan, Dubai and several other countries. These international calls appeared local to the receivers. A major cause for concern for the security set-up is the fact that all the accused (total 24) belong to the majority community. Sleuths of Intelligence Bureau (IB), National Investigation Agency (NIA) and the police are now trying to assess the extent of ISI penetration in India.“For long there had been an ISI pattern of luring disgruntled Muslim youths into terror activities. But now it is different,” a senior IB official said. An NIA officer said: “Even those who have been arrested for their involvement in train accidents in Kanpur and planting bombs on rail tracks at Ghodasand in Motihari district of Bihar belong to country’s majority community. These accused, too, had ISI links through a conduit, Brij Kishore Giri, who worked as a front for one Nepal-based Shamul Hoda, who provided money for the subversive activities across India.”The trend shows the ISI changing its tactics in which criminal elements, irrespective of their caste and religion, are now on its radar. “They are aiming at unsuspecting elements to dodge Indian security agencies,” said a former top Home Ministry official. He said it was time for Indian agencies to “re-haul” their strategy and keep a close watch on criminal elements, irrespective of their religious affiliation, so that terror modules are busted well on time. Those arrested in UP in connection with fake telephone exchanges include Rahul Rastogi, Shivendra Mishra, Harshit Gupta, Vishal Kakkad, Rahul Singh, Vinit Dikshit, Rishi Hora, Shyam Babu, Uttam Shukla and Vikas Verma, besides their kingpin Gulshan Sen.Similarly in MP, Blram Singh ( having direct links with ISI operatives in Pakistan), Kush Pandit, Jitendra Thakur, RiteshKhullar, Jitendra Singh Yadav ,Trilok Singh were arrested by the state ATS.In Bihar too, the state police arrested Moti paswan, Mukesh Yadav and Uma Shankar Prasad while they were planting a pressure cooker bomb on the rail track near Ghodasand in Motihari district.

Ajay Banerjee
Tribune News Service
Bengaluru, February 16
Russia has upgraded its offer to India on reviving the stalled fifth generation fighter aircraft (FGFA) project by putting on table joint design and development of a brand new fighter jet with a new engine.Viktor N Kladov, Director International Cooperation and Regional Policy, Rostec, speaking to a select group of mediapersons on the sidelines of the ongoing 11th Aero-India here, said: “We are talking of new design and jointly developed fifth generation fighter jet. It will have a new engine with fifth generation features.”“We are not talking about the PAK-FA (a Russian built prototype of the FGFA),” Kladov clarified. At present the Russians are flying a plane called the ‘T-50’ built under the PAK-FA (Prospective Airborne Complex of Frontline Aviation) programme. India had some issues with the engine of the T-50. The project has been stalled for the past two years despite India having paid $295 million for a preliminary design.Kladov said: “We have met Defence Minister Manohar Parrikar yesterday in Bangalore and he has promised to resume negotiations soon.”Parrrikar had on February 14 said the ministry had constituted a team to look into various aspects of the FGFA and it was likely to submit its report within a month. Kladov said the engine being used on the PAK-FA (T-50) was not fifth generation, adding the new jet will not be copy of the T-50.The IAF was not happy with the AL-41F1 engines being used on the existing T-50. New Delhi had told Russia in 2016 it wanted a new engine and the plane must have super-cruise ability, a 360-degree radar ability, added stealth features among 40-odd other modifications.
All clear for US parts on GripenSweden says has it an initial clearance from the US for selling its Gripen fighter jet to India with American-built general electric (GE) engines, said Jan Salestrand, State Secretary in the Ministry of Defence. Manohar Parrikar had earlier said foreign firms competing for deals under “Make in India” need to get clearances from respective governments to set up manufacturing units in India.
Dassault-Reliance JV
French Company Dassault Aviation has tied up with Reliance to form the Dassault Reliance Aerospace Limited (DRAL), a joint venture for the Rafale fighter jet programme. Eric Trappier, chairman of Dassault Aviation France, will be its chairman and Anil Ambani will be the co-chairman of DRAL.
Helicopter ambulance
Airbus has unveiled its dedicated helicopter-ambulance, fully kitted with specialised emergency medical care equipment. The helicopter can be put to use for medical missions only and has specialised equipment for emergency transportation of patients, organs, neonatal and other time critical medical missions. It can accommodate a stretcher and seat three attendants or para-medical staff in the cabin.DG flies HAL copterDirector General Army Aviation Corps Lt Gen Kanwal Kumar flew the Light Combat Helicopter at the Aero India. The LCH is indigenously developed by the Hindustan Aeronautics Limited and 114 such copters are to be inducted into the Army.

The separatist elements seem to have invented a new strategy to fight Indian security forces in Kashmir, and as a result, the casualty figures for the Indian Army have increases recently.
Can the Army come up with a comprehensive plan to counter them?
The one thing that the Indian Army always prides itself on is the ratio of terrorists neutralized to its own fatal casualties. There were times when it went as high as 8:1 in fatalities but at most times it hovered around 5:1. Statistics are not always a reflection of efficiency but a means of discerning indicators which tell us if things are right or wrong as far as drills are concerned.
However, drills may be perfect but yet there could be imponderables which apply and factors well outside the army’s control which add to enhanced casualty rates and increasing frustration. Improvement of drills and training may recapture the essence of the past statistics but there are factors beyond, that need a more nuanced application of mind.
In two days of February 2017 we have had eight terrorists neutralized in three encounters at the cost of six brave hearts of the Army. The injured, are many more. A brave CRPF Commanding Officer has been seriously wounded. Available videography only shows the vengeful attempt on part of stone throwing mobs and immense patience of the Security Forces (SF). The SF have the lethal weapons with them and with mortal remains of their comrades in sight it is sufficient emotion to trigger negative passions which could lead to a bloodbath. Yet, as always discipline, patience and forbearance have prevailed. It may not go on forever.

It’s important to know in general why casualty ratios have got skewed in recent months.
2016 saw one of the worst phases of terrorism and militancy in the Valley. Fedayeen (or suicide attack squads) re-emerged after 2003-4. Terror groups started seeking contact by targeting the Army’s main vulnerability, the convoys. They were emboldened by the resistance in the streets and stone throwing. Casualty figures of the security forces increased due to deliberate acts by the terror groups. The phenomenon most responsible for this is the adoption of a methodology by locals to generate collection of flash mobs at encounter sites the moment an encounter between terrorists and the security forces is imminent. This does three things to the situation: prevents the Army from closing on the target hideout, obviates CRPF from being effective in the cordon, and diverts attention from focus of operations. It makes an already difficult situation far more challenging. Momentary loss of focus leads to casualties as exposure from cover is liable to make troops easier targets. There is more on this phenomenon a little later in this essay.
There are other possible reasons for high casualties but they do not all apply to every situation.
First is the ‘two minute’ syndrome. Most casualties take place in the first two minutes of the actual encounter which primarily means from the moment the troops start closing in. The initiative being with terrorists; they being under cover and troops under movement, renders soldiers vulnerable. Every single soldier involved in these operations is equipped with a bullet proof jacket (BPJ) and a bullet proof patka much unlike what is perceived by some in public circles. BPJs do not provide hundred percent protection; sides, neck and below waist areas on a soldier’s body remain vulnerable. There is no restriction also on the employment of the 84 mm Rocket Launcher (RL) and the Automatic Grenade Launcher (AGL). There is disinformation that restrictions have been placed on these weapons. They help in destroying a hideout and the terrorists holed up within, and make it easier for the troops to close in and eliminate the final resistance.
It needs to be clarified that the master of the situation is usually the Commanding Officer (CO) who decides what weapons he wishes to employ and what tactics are to be followed. In recent years the emphasis was on minimal collateral damage and more precision in neutralizing terrorists. One could bludgeon resistance at such places by employment of all kinds of lethal wherewithal such as air power but the collateral would be immense. This dilemma is the challenge of COs and their superior commanders. How to employ the right mix of weapons and tactics for maximum effect, least casualties to troops and minimal collateral damage? Not an easy situation to be in, especially when mobs are attempting to cow you down.
The one equipment the Rashtriya Rifles (RR) would demand in greater numbers is the Mine Protected Vehicle (MPV) which has floor and side protection. It helps immensely in approaching the target area and can even break boundary walls and mow down wire fences. It should be available in greater numbers to the troops. The employment of snipers also needs much more emphasis. Problems of sniper ammunition restrict this and it should be another priority area for higher security managers.
It is necessary now to return to the challenging issue of mobs at encounter sites.
This came to the fore in 2015. Separatist networks are well established. Their intelligence travels faster on these networks, what with them being unstructured. There are paid rabble rousers in different villages who will exploit the mosque’s public address system and social media messaging to generate a flash mob in minutes. What our officers and troops find disquieting is that community members who pose as friends and supporters in everyday meetings suddenly turn out to be members of a mob. There is no black and no white in these situations.

When the CRPF used slightly harsher methods there were pellet injuries galore. While there was sympathy for the victims, THOSE WHO FORM part of terrorist supporting activity by participating in mob actions are not held responsible for their own fate. Their actions are now leading to casualties among troops tackling terrorists. For the members of the mobs, that is akin to making themselves open for action by the SFs who need to facilitate their own (SF) security and ensure neutralization of the holed up terrorists. That is the message which needs to be conveyed clearly and unambiguously. The SFs cannot be expected to remain vulnerable without ensuring retaliatory security measures. If this aspect is not taken effectively and soon enough the already demotivating effect on junior ranks and pressure on field commanders will mount to unacceptable levels. The Army Chief has correctly said that those supporting such terrorists should be treated as over ground workers (OGWs).
To make them legally secure and beat back the information game which the separatists will invariably play when some casualties do occur among mobs, the Army, CRPF and JK Police must be smart in their own information handling.
This needs coordination at the Unified Command level. Enough video footage of previous encounters and those taking place in the future must be available for public relations managers to convert to media campaigns so that all those who target the SFs for their handling of rights are pre-empted and explained what the challenges are. While following the principle of ‘minimum force’, it needs to be ensured that soldiers and policemen are sensitized even more than ever before. The license to be proactively stronger against interfering mobs cannot be taken as a sanction for undisciplined handling of situations and imposition of random casualties. This also needs some deft advice from competent legal luminaries because many in the public will tend to be misled by separatist propaganda.
Clearly, the separatists think they have the upper hand in these encounters and with more casualties to the security forces they will encourage the further employment of these tactics. They lose nothing and gain everything by having a couple of young people injured or even killed in such violence, which is their aim. The State, SFs and all who care for the future of J&K must not give them this leeway and yet prevent the presence of mobs at encounter sites.
For public consumption, it is important to know that such negative situations of poor ratios in terrorists killed versus own fatal losses have occurred temporarily in the past too. The Indian Army and its associate forces have the will, the military intellect and the competence to turn the tide once again; it is just a matter of time.
Armed Forces Tribunal has questioned the then Lt Gen Zaki for being unable to investigate the case of missing gold biscuits in Shatrughan Singh Chauhan’s case.

Lt Gen Mohammad Ahmed Zaki stepped down as the head of the Indian Military Academy and took charge as an advisor to the Governor of J&K in 1991 because of his decade-long service in the state during a ‘difficult time’. Overturning Shatrughan Singh Chauhan’s court martial, the Armed Forces Tribunal has questioned his role in the second lieutenant’s persecution as well as for being unable to investigate the case of missing gold biscuits. Zaki, who is the chancellor of the Jamia Milia University in Delhi, responds to Ushinor Majumdar on the phone with his recollection of what happened back then.
The AFT has delivered a judgment in favour of Chauhan, overturning a decision of a court martial that had given him 7 years of rigorous imprisonment and cashiered him from service. They believe that there were indeed 147 gold biscuits that went missing. Were/ are you convinced that Chauhan was wrong?
“I didn’t initiate proceedings (in the attempt to murder Chauhan) because I was later told he shot at himself in the leg. I didn’t know he was assaulted earlier.”
I have only read a brief news report of the judgement. Chauhan was totally wrong about the accusations he made. I was told by (Jamil) Quraishi, the then advisor to the J&K governor and an ex-IPS officer, that an officer had picked up Rs 150 during a search and seizure. I asked the officers to investigate and later the intelligence officer brought Chauhan to me as the person responsible. A court of inquiry was ordered and Chauhan ran away without leave. He was brought back by the guard, and he ran away again. He was brought back a second time and he ran again from the hospital. While the court martial against Chauhan was in progress, I had accommodated Chauhan’s father with another battalion because he too had served as a subedar major from the same battalion. After I had moved out, I read that he had been sentenced to seven years and discharged
Chauhan says that he met you in 1990, but you were unsympathetic to his charges of corruption against the Col K.R.S. Panwar. Several soldiers who were present at the raid also testified to having seen the gold and Col Panwar taking it away. Didn’t other officers convey the same to you?
Col Panwar was an honest officer. It is totally wrong to accuse him. After the court martial, I read a news report accusing me of taking the gold biscuits, but it died down. It is news to me that soldiers testified that gold was indeed seized. I was not aware of it. The inquiry was at a lower level and it didn’t come up to the corps command, and it was a very busy time for the command at the time in that sector.
Why didn’t you initiate proceedings in the attempt to murder on Chauhan or the first assault?
I didn’t need to because I was told later that he fired at himself and shot himself in the leg. I didn’t know that he had been assaulted earlier.
The AFT has also pointed out many procedural lapses (under your signature) during the court martial. Such as making the proceedings a summary court martial, not naming the accused or the charges against him, turning a court martial against a soldier accused of stealing into a court martial against Chauhan that too for desertion and changing a member of the bench who had objected to Chauhan not having counsel. Documents have exposed his immediate superiors trying to do everything possible to persecute including an attempt to murder. Some officers saw through it. What about you?
When a court martial is convened, it is sent to the adjutant general’s branch for scrutiny and then put to the corps commander. The corps command was busy in those days because of the situation in J&K. I had a very fine set of advisors and had full confidence in them. So, I followed their advice and beyond that I don’t know.
The AFT has said that there may have been extraneous circumstances guiding you. Were you under any pressure?
Not at all. I commanded the corps under the most difficult of times between 1989 and ’95. If there were any extraneous circumstances, I wouldn’t have been made advisor to the governor twice. After commanding the corps, I was commandant of the Indian Military Academy. Within four months of taking charge at the IMA, I was called to the advisor’s post. The second time I was called back again in “national interest” and that’s why I even refused any pay because I am not a mercenary. After a while I quit because I had served in J&K for a long time, since 1986, and requested the PM to excuse me.
Did you investigate the charges made by Chauhan? If no, what was your impression that led you to not initiate a probe? If yes, what was your finding that the AFT (even after so many years) is convinced?
No I didn’t have to because the governor’s advisor had informed me of the theft by an officer during the search operation conducted by the 6th Rajput officer. The officers investigated and then procedure kicked in.

Majid Jahangir
Tribune News Service
Srinagar, February 9
While the Army is examining whether enough precautions were taken to avoid casualties due to the recent snow avalanches in Kashmir, the initial findings have revealed that there was already “a medium danger avalanche warning” for the Gurez sector but it was generic and covered a distance of about 40 km.As the snow broke the decades-old record this year, avalanches left 26 persons, including 20 soldiers, dead.A total of 15 soldiers, including an officer, were killed in avalanches along the Line of Control (LoC) in the Gurez sector of north Kashmir and Sonamarg in central Kashmir on January 25. Five soldiers were killed after a snow track caved in at Machil in Kupwara district.Sources said the Snow and Avalanche Study Establishment (SASE), the premier institution for avalanche studies in the country, had issued a medium range avalanche warning for 24 hours for the Gurez sector from 5 pm on January 24.Both avalanches in remote Gurez sector — one on an Army post and another at a patrol party — hit around 5 pm on January 25.In the first incident, three soldiers were killed when their post along the LoC near the Mahazgund Gurez valley was struck by an avalanche. Six soldiers were rescued by the Army and locals at the post. In another incident, a patrol of one Junior Commissioned Officer and 10 other ranks were caught in a massive avalanche near Niru in Gurez in which all 11 soldiers were killed.“The medium danger warning was issued by SASE for the eastern Gurez valley, covering a distance of about 40 km. In such warnings, the Army movement is permitted with precautions. Besides, there had been no avalanches on the Army post near Niru, which was buried under snow, in the last more than a decade,” said a senior Army officer.“While acknowledging the stellar efforts of SASE, we must also realise that their warnings are generic covering vast valleys. SASE says that it cannot predict when and where exactly an avalanche may strike, but it is able to predict areas and the likelihood of their occurrence.”The officer said that though the loss of lives was sad, the Army troops stayed in the rugged mountains near the border for the security of the nation.“These are high-risk areas during heavy snowfall and they (Army men) work there as part of their duty. They do take precautions, but at times Mother Nature gets the better of them,” the officer said.
Surgical strikes were bandied about to score political brownie points. However, the defence budget did not reflect the government’s seriousness about equipping the soldiers with gear and latest wherewithal. It is time that the Prime Minister and the Defence Minister got down to the serious business of defence reforms and increased capital funding.

PRIME Minister Narendra Modi spoke passionately about the surgical strikes in the Lok Sabha recently, saying the country could never repay its soldiers for it. During the 2017-18 budget presentation, the defence budget took care of the salary bills of the soldiers but neglected to equip them with the latest wherewithal to carry out deeper surgical strikes.A country’s defence budget represents its man-machine mix and the statement of intent to combat the internal and external challenges facing it. India’s latest defence allocation of Rs 3.9 lakh crore (including defence pensions) has been described as “flat”. In terms of capacity accretion, the capital funding is concave. In real terms, according to Shane Mason of the US Stimson Centre, the capital account of Rs 86,488 crore represents a 5 per cent decrease from last year’s, of Rs 86,189 crore. This is about $10.5 bn of a total budget of $51 bn. Mason adds that key budget accounts within procurement are also cut, like shipbuilding shrunk by 30 per cent and aircraft modernisation cut by 6 per cent. This will hit capability accretion badly in uncertain times and growing security challenges. What is worse is that last year’s capital budget went underutilised by nearly Rs 7000 crore, hitting modernisation adversely. So with the new capital budget flat and negative, capability enhancement would be standstill. While the allocation would service carryover liabilities such as Rafael fighters and M 777 howitzers, the infantryman who bears the brunt of day-to-day counter-insurgency operations will remain without a frontline rifle and personal gear. Why does modernisation have to take repeated hits due to under-allocation and under-utilisation of funds? The defence budget is overwhelmed by legitimate and soaring salary bills and rising pensions due to The cumulative effect of OROP (only 90 per cent realised) and the Seventh Pay Commission (only partly implemented). Of the Rs 3.59 lakh crore budget, only Rs 86,000 crore account for weapons acquisition. The rising manpower costs have severely undermined the machine upgrade. Manpower expenses will continue to increase and unless more funds are made available for modernisation the stagnation in capability build-up will stay. Fulfilling the commitments made to ex-servicemen on OROP by the government was a political imperative. Meeting challenges of defence and security are in national interest but lower priority. Winning elections is the highest political objective of the ruling party. Resolving the competing demands of manpower costs and modernisation is also a key objective of the government.Finance Minister Arun Jaitley, who earlier doubled as Defence Minister, explained the interlinked dilemmas of shrinking funds for capital spending and the apparent inability of the defence forces to spend the monies allotted for modernisation on time. Answering former Editor of Business Standard, AK Bhattacharya’s question on Doordarshan that there is criticism that you have not done enough for defence, Mr Jaitley replied “If the Defence Ministry can speed up its acquisition mechanism they can get as much money as they want. Budgetary allocations are only indicators. Defence gets the highest priority. The amount indicated in the budget plus the pension is a large amount”. Clearly two things are evident from these comments. Increase or decrease in defence budget except salaries is directly related to provisions on modernisation in capital and revenue heads of acquisition, upgrade and maintenance of defence inventories. Experience over the last two decades has shown that capital allocation especially in case of the army, has not been able to be spent on time due to hassles in procurement procedures.There is another plausible reason for non-utilisation which is that North Block officials towards November/December of the year place an informal embargo on any new contracts ensuring that earmarked funds lapse on 31 March. The government must enable Defence forces to utilise in full the capital account for modernisation Is defence really a high priority for the government as stated by Mr Jaitley ? The answer is a resounding ‘no’. The bureaucrats and political class have convinced themselves there will be no war. Gen Bipin Rawat, within hours of taking over as Army Chief told the media that the army was prepared for a two-front war and the Cold Start doctrine (never formally acknowledged by the government) would be its fulcrum against Pakistan. Given the current operational preparedness levels of the armed forces (recall Gen VK Singh’s hollowness in critical capabilities cry in 2012) it is not only not possible to deter cross-border terrorism emanating from Pakistan but also catching up with China’s overwhelming conventional nuclear and terrain superiority is a far cry.At Kozhikode, during the BJP conclave last year soon after the terrorist strike in Uri, Jaitley pledged to increase the defence budget which he has not done. Modi does not miss any political opportunity of praising the Army’s surgical strikes and commending Defence Minister Parrikar for them. Parrikar attributes the Army’s success to his RSS training. Both bask in reflected glory. On Budget day in the numerous TV debates, not one word was uttered on the inadequacies in defence allocation despite the GDP growth rate being 7 per cent. Politicians who sang surgical strikes in chorus were mum.Three trends can be noticed in the defence budget. First that defence expenditure in the last decade as percentage of GDP has been declining steadily from 2.19 per cent to 1.71 per cent to 1.65 per cent today which is lowest since 1962. Further, in the last two years, the revised estimate (RE) has been less than the budget estimate when the government has claimed higher RE in all other sectors. Second, defence budgets are flattening with capital accounts stagnating for the last 8 years resulting in accumulated obsolescence. What good are 85 projects worth Rs 1.50 lakh crore cleared by Defence Acquisition Council when the Defence Procurement Procedures, despite one dozen upgrades, does not foot the bill? Third, manpower costs continue to undermine modernisation. While the manpower heavy army is able to spend just 18 per cent of its budget on modernisation, the equipment intensive Navy and Air Force do better with 52 per cent and 59 per cent utilised for modernisation.The Lt Gen Shekatkar report on streamlining manpower is really a band- aid solution. India needs a comprehensive defence and security review. The latest suggestion is to establish a Defence Capital Acquisition Authority to fast-track defence contracts sans kickbacks. In 1988, a suggestion was made for the formation of a Defence Acquisition Command and a Plans Programmes Budgeting System for evaluating equivalent capabilities of different weapons platforms to rationalize the defence budget.Evaluating the latest defence budget, the Stimson Centre says that from “a strategic perspective, India’s mismanagement of the defence budget will prevent the military from releasing its full potential…”. In December 2015 at the Combined Commanders Conference Modi had declared that reforms in senior defence management was an area of priority for him. Only Mr Modi can walk the talk. But is he interested in defence?The writer is a founder-member of the Defence Planning Staff, the forerunner of the Integrated Defence Staff.