Sanjha Morcha

Need to Root-out Regimental Parochialism By Major General Mrinal Suman (Retd)

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It is an indisputable fact that the chasm between the top brass and the junior leadership in the army is widening at an exponential rate. A scan of the proliferating social media amongst the junior/middle level officers reveals the degree of loss of credibility of the senior leadership. The signals are alarming. Radical corrections are required to arrest the worrisome trend, lest the gulf degenerates into an unbridgeable rift.

Loss of confidence in army’s sense of justice and fair play is the primary reason for the increasing disillusionment of the junior officers. They feel that favouritism, and not merit, is ruling the system and they abhor partisanship. No organisation can flourish unless there are strong merit-performance ethical linkages in place.

Search for recognition is one of the pursuits which all human beings indulge in and continuously strive for. Promotions and advancement in career are important aspects of their aspirations. Every dispensation extended on the basis of nepotism amounts to depriving a deserving claimant of his lawful rights. He is left with no choice except to knock at court’s doors for his rightful dues. Burgeoning number of court cases shows officers’ utter lack of faith in the fairness of the system.

Junior officers consider regimental parochialism to be the root cause of increasing favouritism and discrimination in the army. Prejudiced attitudes based on regimental, corps, service and branch affiliations are collectively referred to as regimental parochialism. Most feel that many army promotions are based on regimental considerations and not merit.

During informal social exchanges, one is astounded to hear the nature of grievances against the regimental parochialism. A few years ago, an officer on the reserve list for the Staff College Course, when congratulated, responded unexcitedly – “I am unlikely to get a vacancy as there is an officer from the Chief’s regiment in the reserve list and he will go.” What a shame! Here was a junior officer in the Army, who had no faith in his Chief’s sense of fair-play and was convinced that he would not get justice from him.

Every senior commander opts to choose his regimental officers as his personal staff (MA, AMA, Dy MS, ADC and so on). Yes, it almost resembles a kitchen cabinet. In addition, he attempts to have maximum officers from his regiment in other key staff appointments. Many consider such a trend to be a sign of insecurity of an unsure commander who prefers to surround himself with his regimental cronies, lest his incompetence gets exposed to the environment. In return, he feels obliged to promote their careers even at the cost of more deserving officers.

Aspiring officers are equally keen to ride on the coattails of rising stars of their regiment. Although their selection is not based on any merit/qualitative criteria, it is the easiest way to ensure advancement in career. Policies are changed, dispensations are given and additional vacancies allotted to a batch to promote such officers. Even adverse remarks in their confidential reports are removed. Most army commanders manage foreign postings for their protégés.

There are numerous cases where mediocre officers have risen to higher ranks by latching on to their regimental seniors. It will not be incorrect to aver that a significant proportion of top military leadership owes its promotion to the munificence of their regimental mentors. It is a largesse they least deserve.

Regrettably, many army commanders have no qualms in awarding unit citations and commendation cards on regimental considerations. Even the schedule of turn-over of units is subjected to undue influences. Resultantly, the environment loses faith in the fairness of the system, thereby encouraging factionalism and dissensions.

There have been instances when narrow-minded army commanders have struck mutual deals to promote their regimental protégés on quid pro quo basis. Thus, mediocre and undeserving officers get promoted. The armed forces are deprived of the best talent. There cannot be a more disgraceful travesty of the much trumpeted merit system.

Therefore whereas regimental spirit acts as a force multiplier and is a battle winning factor at unit/battalion level, when carried to unhealthy limits at higher levels of command, it promotes factionalism and partisanship.

It must be recalled here that for decades after Independence, Colonels and above (units were commanded by Lt Colonels then) belonged to the Indian Army and not to their regiment/corps. They dressed alike with common beret and no regimental lanyards. Their visiting cards read ‘Colonel XYZ, Indian Army’.

As the units are now commanded by Colonels, regimental identity should be limited up to that rank. For all senior ranks, there should be a common uniform with no regimental entrapments to continuously remind them of their regimental affiliations. They must be allowed to grow out of their narrow regimental mindset.

Militaries swear by norms and norms are unwritten rules that guide an organisation’s functioning. The following proscriptive norms are suggested to rid the army of the malaise of regimental parochialism:-

Commanders should never select their personal staff officers from their own regiments. In case a senior commander is also the Colonel Commandant of his regiment, he may have an officer from his regiment to handle associated matters. This norm should be applicable to all – from divisional commanders to the Chief.

·       No army commander should award unit citations or individual awards to his regiments without obtaining prior concurrence of the Army Headquarters.

·     The current trend of ‘managing’ awards for the personal staff officers must be stopped. No personal staff officer deserves an award. Awards are given for distinguished service to the nation and not for looking after the comforts of the boss diligently.

·     There should be a cooling-off period of three years before a personal staff officer is considered for foreign posting. Hopefully, the mentor commander would have retired by then and the selection would be purely merit based.

Finally, it is not that all commanders are biased; most are not. It is also not true that merit has ceased to be of consequence. However, most worrisomely, cases of alleged regimental partisanship are on an increase. Rapidly expanding social media exposes every case and the environment loses faith in the top brass.

Understandably, a large number of grievances may be misplaced; being based more on perceptions than facts. But, perceptions are of equal, if not more, importance for the health of an organisation and must be managed prudently. For that, senior commanders must not only act non-partisan, but also appear to be so. It is only then that the environment will develop confidence in the justness of the system. Shedding of parochial regimental loyalties will be a key step in that direction.  

Partiality is an anathema to military leadership. No justification can condone it. Fair and non-discriminatory conduct is an essential component of a commander’s obligations. Any senior officer who acts in a discriminatory manner to grant undue favours to his regimental protégé is guilty of breach of trust. Trust is the expectancy that the followers can rely on a leader’s impartial and just approach. Trust flourishes on credibility that a leader enjoys in his command.

Needless to say, the onus is on the top brass. They are the persons in authority and have the power to initiate corrective measures. Some of the norms suggested above will go a long way to allay the apprehensions of the juniors. Will the next army commanders’ conference muster courage to debate the issue and bite the bullet? Your guess is as good as mine!


World War veteran Colonel Randhawa cremated

ARMY HONOURS Bugler played last post as his sons lit the funeral pyre

From page 1 HOSHIARPUR: World War-2 veteran Colonel Daljit Singh Randhawa (retd), 96, who passed away on Friday, was cremated with full military honours at the Hariana Road cremation ground at a hugely attended ceremony. Bugler played the last post as his sons Col Jasjit Singh Randhawa and Major Amanjit Singh Randhawa lit the funeral pyre.

HT PHOTOArmy officers paying last respects to late Col Daljit Singh Randhawa in Hoshiarpur on Saturday.

A number of serving and retired army officers, including 11 Corps Jalandhar commander Lt Gen J S Cheema, Brigadier SPS Aulakh, Brigadier Anil and Colonel Vikas, Maj Gen (retd) O P Parmar, Brig Surjit Singh, Col Mohinder Singh, Ex-Servicemen League Jalandhar’s Col HS Sangha and Col Jagmohan had gathered to mourn his death.

Sub-divisional magistrate Barjinder Singh attended the ceremony on behalf of the state government and placed a wreath on the body. Major (retd) Yash Pal Singh paid respects on behalf of the director, sainik welfare.

The family wanted to perform the last rites in Phuglana village on the HoshiarpurPhagwara road, where late Military Cross awardee had spent a good period of his retired life with his wife Satwant Kaur, but due to rain, they had to opt for a cremation place near their home in Model Town. Col Randhawa was allotted land in Phuglana for his distinguished military services.

“He always cherished his military background and was very proud that seven generations of his family had served in the army,” said his sons.

Col Randhawa was born in Montgomery (now in Pakistan). His family had migrated to Indian Punjab after Partition. Colonel Randhawa’s two sons, Colonel Jasjit and Major Amanjit, also served in the army and his grandson too is a senior military officer


Col Randhawa, hero of WW-II, dies at 95

Col Randhawa, hero of WW-II, dies at 95

Deepkamal Kaur

Tribune News Service

Jalandhar, July 1

Punjab’s World War-II hero and last Military Cross awardee Colonel Daljit Singh Randhawa (retd) died in Hoshiarpur today. He was 95.He is survived by his 92-year-old wife Satwant Kaur, two sons — Col Jasjit Singh Randhawa (retd) and Major Amanjit Singh Randhawa (retd) — and two daughters. His elder son-in-law Saravjit Singh Hothi retired as Air Vice-Marshal, while younger son-in-law Col HPS Pannu (retd) served with 71 Armoured Regiment.(Follow The Tribune on Facebook and Twitter @thetribunechd)The decorated officer had been undergoing treatment “after a fall at his Model Town residence two weeks ago and had been on life support”, said a family member. The last rites will be performed at his native Phulgana village on the Phagwara-Hoshiarpur road at noon on Saturday.Coming from a family whose seven generations have served in the Army, Col Randhawa’s great-great-grandfather Subedar Harnam Singh was the first to join the defence services and fought during the 1857 mutiny.Col Randhawa was decorated with the prestigious Military Cross for chivalry displayed during the 1944 Burma campaign in Kohima.“At 24, my father was the youngest officer to receive the Military Cross. He felt proud to see my son Ibandeep, now a Major, getting inducted into the Army,” said Col Jasjit Randhawa (retd).“He sustained injuries while killing four Japanese soldiers in hand-to-hand combat on the road to Imphal. He was the Parade Commander at the country’s first Independence Day Parade in Delhi, where Lord Mountbatten was given the guard of honour,” recalled Air Vice-Marshal Hothi.“He was born in Montgomery, Pakistan. He was posted as Major in Poonch and often shared stories of the days of demarcation of the LoC. After receiving the Military Cross, he was allotted 28 acres in Pakistan. The land was re-allotted at Phuglana, where his last rites will be performed,” said daughter Pearl Hothi, who lives in Jalandhar.

World War-2 veteran Col Randhawa dead

COL RANDHAWA FOUGHT WORLD WAR-2 AND WAS PART OF THE UN FORCES IN CONGO AND LEBANON. HE WAS 24 WHEN HE WON THE MILITARY CROSS FOR HIS SERVICES DURING THE BURMA CONFLICT

HOSHIARPUR: Colonel Daljit Singh Randhawa (retd), 96, the lone surviving Military Cross winner of Punjab, died on Friday as he was not keeping good health for some time. Cremation will take place on Saturday.

He was the first parade commander at the country’s first Independence Day parade in Delhi, after Partition where a guard of honour was given to the outgoing Viceroy Lord Mountbatten. His seven generations had served in the Army, the first being his great-grand father Colonel Harnam Singh, who took part in action during the 1857 mutiny.

Col Randhawa had fought World War-2 and was part of the UN Forces in Congo and Lebanon. He was barely 24, when he won the Military Cross for his services rendered during the Burma conflict. In recognition of his distinguished services, he was given 28-acre land in Pakistan, which was later re-allotted at Hoshiarpur’s Phuglana village.

Col Randhawa was born in Montgomery (now in Pakistan). His family had migrated to Punjab after Partition. Colonel Randhawa’s two sons, Colonel Jasjit and Major Amanjit, also served in the army and his grandson too is a senior military officer.

Golden Arrow observes Raising Day

Our Correspondent

Ferozepur, July 1

Four-time awardee of Victoria Cross for its valour during the World Wars, the Golden Arrow Division of the Army today celebrated its 53rd Raising Day. The division was first raised in 1914, when it fought a number of battles in Egypt and Mesopotamia during the World War I. It participated in the Burma campaign in the World War II. The Golden Arrow Division was re-raised after Independence on July 1, 1963, by Maj Gen HK Sibal, Maha Vir Chakra awardee.In line with traditions of the Army, Maj Gen Vijay Pingale, General Officer Commanding, Golden Arrow Division, officers and troops paid homage to the martyrs by laying a wreath at the Barki War Memorial. The event was followed by a Special Sainik Sammelan, where the GOC addressed all ranks of the Golden Arrow Division.

Chetak Corps celebrates its 38th Raising Day in Bathinda

MANY FORMER CORPS COMMANDERS JOIN THE CELEBRATIONS

BATHINDA: Chetak Corps celebrated its 38th Raising Day on Friday at Bathinda Military Station. On this day the military station was inaugurated in 1980 by then Chief of the Army Staff General OP Malhotra.

HT PHOTOA veteran going to lay a wreath to honour martyrs at the Bathinda army station on Friday.

A military spokesperson said that since its raising, the corps has gone through a series of transformations to reach its present state as a professional and operationally effective formation.

“To add glory to this auspicious day, a number of senior commanders who had led this corps, joined the celebrations and witnessed the transformation of the chetak corps down the ages,” said spokesperson.

The functions began with a solemn wreath laying ceremony in remembrance and to honour the brave soldiers of the corps who made supreme sacrifice for the nation. All senior dignitaries laid a wreath at the war memorial “Yodha Yaadgar’.


IAF to induct first squadron of homegrown Tejas on Friday

IAF to induct first squadron of homegrown Tejas on Friday
Light Combat Aircraft ‘Tejas’ performing at the Aero India event in Bengaluru. PTI file photo

Bengaluru, June 30

The Indian Air Force will raise the first squadron of homegrown Light Combat Aircraft Tejas with the induction of two aircraft into the force here on Friday.State-run HAL will hand over the first two Tejas aircraft to IAF which will make up the ‘Flying Daggers’ 45, the name of the first squadron of the LCA.The LCA squadron induction ceremony will be held at the Aircraft System Testing Establishment here in the presence of Air Marshal Jasbir Walia, Air Officer Commanding-in Chief, Southern Air Command, officials said.(Follow The Tribune on Facebook and Twitter @thetribunechd)The aircraft are likely to perform a sortie during the induction ceremony.The squadron will be based in Bengaluru for the first two years before being moved to Sulur in Tamil Nadu.Air Chief Marshal Arup Raha, who on May 17 took his maiden flight in Tejas, had termed the aircraft as “good” for induction.IAF has said the idea is to have a total of six aircraft this financial year and about eight in the next.Tejas will feature in combat plan of the IAF next year and will be deployed in forward bases also, it has said.Stating that LCA squadron should be formed by July, Defence Minister Manohar Parrikar had earlier this month said “next year I think two MiG-21 squadrons are being decommissioned; this will go into initially replacing them”.LCAs are better than the MiGs which are old and parts are difficult to get, he had said.All squadrons of Tejas will be made up of 20 planes in total, including four in reserve.As per the plan, while 20 would be inducted under the “Initial Operational Clearance”, another 20 will be inducted later with Beyond Visual Range Missile (BVR) and some other features.IAF plans to induct over 80 aircraft with better specifications known as Tejas 1A.The upgraded version of Tejas, with Active Electrically Scanned Array Radar, Unified Electronic Warfare Suite, mid-air refuelling capacity and advanced beyond the vision range missiles, will cost between Rs 275 crore and Rs 300 crore.While the idea to have an indigenous fighter aircraft was conceptualised in 1970s, actual work started on the aircraft only in the 1980s and the first flight took place in January 2001. — PTI

China accuses US of ignoring facts over India’s NSG bid

China accuses US of ignoring facts over India’s NSG bid
US Under-Secretary Tom Shannon on Wednesday had said that India failed to get entry into NSG due to China-led opposition.

Beijing, June 30

China on Thursday accused the US of ignoring facts over India not getting entry into the NSG and claimed that the plenary meeting of the elite grouping in Seoul did not discuss the accession of any specific country.China’s assertion came in response to the remarks by US Under-Secretary for Political Affairs Tom Shannon on Wednesday that India failed to get entry into Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG) due to China-led opposition.Shannon had said one country could break consensus in the 48-nation atomic trading bloc and insisted that such member should be held accountable.“With regard to the US official’s comments on the NSG we want to point out that this official shows no regard to facts,” Chinese Foreign Ministry official Hong Lei told a media briefing.“In the plenary meeting in Seoul India’s accession was not on the agenda of the meeting. It did not discuss the accession of any specific country into the group,” Hong said.“The news release of the plenary meeting said the meeting discussed the technical, legal and political questions concerning the accession of relevant countries,” he said.On Shannon’s comment that China’s motives in the South China Sea (SCS) were intended towards Indian Ocean, Hong said “we are strongly dissatisfied with that” remark.Shannon had said, “What China is doing in the South China Sea is madness.”“China’s intentions and positions on the SCS are very clear. First is to maintain our territorial sovereignty and maritime rights. Second, to resolve dispute through dialogue and consultation,” Hong said.“The remarks made by the US official try to drive a wedge among the regional countries, confuse the right from the wrong and are extremely irresponsible,” he said.“We ask the US side to honour its commitments of not taking side on the SCS issue. Play a constructive role in the SCS, not the opposite,” he said. PTI


SC asks Centre to improve working conditions of army porters

SC asks Centre to improve working conditions of army porters
Porters ferrying supplies in Siachen. Tribune file photo

New Delhi, July 29

The Supreme Court on Friday asked the Centre to come out with a suitable policy or scheme to improve the working conditions of ‘army porters’ who are utilised for carrying arms, ammunition and ration for soldiers and officers in hilly border areas.The apex court while examining the plea for improving the service conditions of army porters, the number of which as per Centre’s estimate is around 1,000, said there employment should not be terminated during pendency of the matter.A bench headed by Chief Justice T S Thakur gave three weeks to the Centre to formulate and file before it the draft rules and schemes for bringing out better working conditions of large number of porters in the army.“The people in army know the utility of porters. So some light is needed at the end of the tunnel. They are in darkness. Show us for what period and years they have served army,” the bench, also comprising Justices A M Khanwilkar and D Y Chandrachud observed.Additional Solicitor General (ASG) P S Patwalia, said army had maintained the records of such porters since 2007.“If the records of 10 years are maintained, they (porters) are entitled for some relief,” the bench said and sought an assurance from the Centre that it would come out with a scheme to improve their conditions.At the outset, Government said there were proposals to come out with the wage structure on the issue and examine the nature of work keeping in view the altitude at which these porters were deployed.The ASG said the scheme would cover facilities like medical, accommodation, terminal benefits and compensation etc for porters and their family members.Canteen facility up to Rs 2,000, leave encashment, festival grants and fund allocation for porters’ children are also in the proposal.“The proposals are under examination and will take three to four weeks for formulation,” the law officer said, adding that the porters were employed where mechanical transport is not applicable and they carry goods weighing around 20 kg and their working hours are up to eight hours a day for 24-25 days in a month.The bench said it would be wrong to say that only locals were appointed as porters and there were instances that people came from a distance of 200 to 300 km to take this job.The ASG said “we are open for improving the service condition of porters”. — PTI


IAF plane with 29 on board missing over Bay of Bengal

The Indian Navy has diverted one submarine to look for the missing plane.

Ajay Banerjee

Tribune News Service

New Delhi, July 22An Indian Air Force (IAF) transport plane, AN-32, is missing over the Bay of Bengal with 29 people on board. The plane, a Soviet manufactured one, had taken off around 8.30 am from the Tambaram air base, Chennai, Tamil Nadu, and was scheduled to land around 11 am at Port Blair in Andaman and Nicobar Islands.The plane was on routine flight to carry men and material to Port Blair and most of the people on board were service personnel.When the pilot did not radio his approach a search was launched using the assets of the Navy, the IAF and the Coast Guard.Among the 29 persons on board were four IAF officers, including the two pilots and a navigator of the missing plane. The plane had six crew, including the three officers. A fourth officer was among the passengers.Also on board were 10 other IAF personnel, two people from the Indian Army and nine from the navy, among them eight from the civilian staff of the force.A staff member of the Defence Services Corps and one from the Indian Coast Guard were also among those on board.

The Indian Navy has diverted one submarine to look for the missing plane.

The search area is some 200 nautical miles east of Chennai. The Navy’s P8-I surveillance aircraft has been pressed into service along with the Dornier surveillance planes of the Navy and the Coast Guard. Warships are also involved in the search operation. The plane has been declared ‘overdue’ to land. This is first step before the plane is declared missing. The plane was carrying fuel for some four hours.

The AN-32 fleet was imported from Soviet Union in the early 1980s.

The plane was last in contact with Chennai Air Traffic Controller at 8.46 am that is 16 minutes after the take-off from Tambaram. The plane is from the Sulur (Coimbatore) IAR base of the IAF. It was on a routine sortie. The Chennai-Port Blair IAF flight is termed as a ‘çourier’ and flies thrice a week. The plane is equipped with a locating beacon that will emit a signal for rescue teams to follow. The IAF have pressed a C-130-J and an AN-32 plane for search.


141 more Colonel posts for 5 batches, not six: SC Clarifies order on Army promotion policy

Legal Correspondent

New Delhi, July 14

The Supreme Court today clarified that the newly-created 141 additional posts of Colonel in the Army should be offered to five batches from 1992-97, not six batches (1992-98).A Bench headed by Chief Justice TS Thakur passed the order on a petition by some officers, complaining that the Army was not properly implementing a judgment delivered by the SC on February 15 for redressing combat support units’ grievances arising from the Command Exit Policy for promotions.“You were generous in creating the posts, but miserly in offering these. It is a clear case of misinterpretation of our order. If you had any doubt, you should have come to us, instead of deliberately misinterpreting it,” the Bench told Additional Solicitor General Maninder Singh at today’s hearing.The Bench had, in its February 15 ruling, endorsed the promotion policy meant for reducing the age profile of the commanding officers and achieving optimal combat effectiveness as suggested by Ajay Vikram Singh in the light of the 1999 Kargil war.“There is nothing perverse, unreasonable or unfair about the policy that the age of officers serving in Combat Arms and Combat Arms Support will be lowered by creating additional vacancies to be allotted on Command Exit Model,” the court had ruled, directing the government to create 141 additional posts of Colonel to be allocated to the Combat Support stream.


Pakistan’s foreign policy: Liberals vs realism

The strategists with a liberal mindset towards geo-politics have been marginalised in Pakistan. It is this current policy that has led to the growing isolation Pakistan faces at the international level.

Pakistan’s foreign policy: Liberals vs realism
Prime Minister Narendra Modi with Iranian President Hassan Rouhani and Ashraf Ghani, President of Afghanistan after signing a trilateral agreement in Tehran. PTI

The Pakistani state’s strategic outlook is a classic case of the tail wagging the dog. Security policy drives overall foreign policy rather than the other way round. The establishment has spearheaded this agenda. One reason the prevailing strategic paradigm seems under no real pressure is the increasing irrelevance of “strategic liberals” (I am referring to strategists with a liberal view on geopolitics, not liberals writ large). Given their knowledge of strategy and liberal orientation within this domain, one would expect them to spearhead the challenge to the status quo. The state has been myopic in keeping them at bay. But they haven’t done themselves any favours either. The Pakistani liberal discourse on strategy tends to present the realist framework as something of an anathema. Realism personifies the “if-you- want-peace, prepare-for-war” mindset. States tend to be realist beings — those in conflict zones more than others. They see logic in defining national interest in hard security terms and manoeuvring to secure themselves as they see fit — irrespective of normative concerns like morality of their choices. The liberal paradigm challenges this mindset on multiple counts — generally the least effective in influencing policy is what I see Pakistani strategic liberals employ the most: declaring this mindset paranoid, self-contradictory, immoral, etc. (Western policy discourse on Pakistan often takes this line as well).They are not wrong. Taken too far, realism leads to these perversions. And the establishment has developed somewhat of a habit of living dangerously close to this zone. Yet, while a challenge merely pointing to these fallacies and highlighting liberalism’s normative superiority may be powerful for public intellectuals of liberal leaning, it does little to effect realist policy minds. Not in Pakistan, not anywhere else. Achieving this requires engaging the state’s brand of realism in its specific context and highlighting how it may be undermining its self-defined “national interest”. It is about talking realism and presenting realist alternatives to the status quo, but ones that proximate liberal outcomes. Take the example of the regional policy debate in Pakistan. The liberal pushback against the establishment’s outlook argues that: (i) the state must not interfere in Afghanistan’s affairs if we expect others not to do the same to us; (ii) the state should promote regional economic integration to improve Indo-Pak ties; and (iii) we should not use militant proxies against neighbours because of the instability it creates. All undisputable on normative grounds. But a hard-core realist would calculate otherwise: (i) will my opponent not gain if I stop interfering in Afghanistan? India has favourable geography with all other regional countries. Why should I not take advantage of my geography vis-à-vis Afghanistan to outmanoeuvre it in this theatre? (ii) Trade with India is my bargaining chip. If I give it up, I’ll lose leverage and my core interest in Kashmir would be permanently compromised. (iii) Am I the only one using proxies? Isn’t this a game that goes on in South Asia and elsewhere?How does one anchor in liberalism while engaging realism? By explaining that Pakistan’s current strategic outlook is not realist, it is “hyper-realist” (an example of realism gone wrong); it defies the two most cardinal principles of realism: the costs of your policy choices must match your capacity and resources; and policy outcomes must be in line with your self-defined goals. (i) Afghans see Pakistani policies negatively. The sentiment has made it politically beneficial for Kabul to reach out to New Delhi, increasing the latter’s manoeuvring space in Afghanistan, precisely the opposite of what the establishment wants; (ii) engaging regionally on the economic front will increase, not reduce, Pakistan’s leverage over India. Any deal that makes Pakistan the transit route for energy, trade, or transport that a sizeable part of the Indian population depends on will strengthen Pakistan’s bargaining position. And (iii) proxies are directly responsible for much of the internal militant chaos Pakistan has faced since 9/11. Pakistan’s capacity and resources no longer allow use of this tool, irrespective of how others may be approaching the option. Overall, Pakistan’s current policy has led to its growing isolation in the region — the Indo-Iranian-Afghan clique being the latest example. This is self-inflicted. Of course, my intent is not to dismiss either Pakistan’s legitimate security concerns or the intrinsic value of the liberal public discourse. But separately, neither is optimal. Pakistan’s foreign policy would gain tremendously if the two sides were to speak more directly and constructively to (instead of past) each other. The state can help create this space by making the strategic liberals feel more welcome — for starters, by stopping the ridiculous trend of declaring naysayers unpatriotic or anti-national. And the liberals would do themselves a favour by stepping out of their social media echo chambers and recognising how irrelevant they have become. By arrangemnt with the Dawn


Hard times for Nawaz

Hard times for Nawaz
Paper-tiger: A plan is afoot to destabilise the Sharif government.

PUBLIC attention is now focused on what one sees as blatant efforts by Pakistan to foment terrorism and violence in J&K. While dealing with this, New Delhi has to carefully monitor internal developments in Pakistan. Returning home after a bypass surgery in London, Pakistan’s beleaguered Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif must be preparing for difficult times ahead. Even prior to his departure for London, Mr Sharif had to suffer the pretensions of his ubiquitous army chief Gen Raheel Sharif, who actedpretentiously with Pakistanis and visiting foreign dignitaries alike. General Sharif sought to convey that he was the de facto head of government and at the very least, a co-equal of the Prime Minister.With the Prime Minister convalescing in London, the army chief summoned virtually the entire Cabinet, including the hapless defence minister Khwaja Asif, to the GHQ in Rawalpindi. He then read out the riot Act to the ministers nominally led by finance minister Ishaq Dar, holding charge in Sharif’s absence. The army chief then informed the entire Cabinet what he believed needed to be done on a series of issues, commencing with the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor. General Sharif also reportedly dwelt on the conduct of international relations, with focus on the US, India and Afghanistan. Significantly, interior (home) minister Chaudhry Nissar Ali Khan was spared this humiliation.Mr Sharif can take no consolation or comfort at his interior minister being spared humiliation. Nissar Ali Khan is known to have prime ministerial ambitions and is a protégé of the army. Faced with relentless pressure from the army to undermine and eventually remove him, Mr Sharif was trying to mend fences with Asif Ali Zardari, so that the PPP would not join a “remove Sharif” bandwagon. Sensing this, Chaudhry Nissar jumped into the fray to launch a tirade against Mr Zardari and his Peoples’ Party, causing Mr Zardari to threaten to retaliate politically. While General Sharif has sworn that he has no intention to continue after his term ends on November 30, Mr Sharif knows that like Generals Zia, Musharraf and Kayani, General Sharif would love an extended four-star tenure! He could achieve this by totally discrediting and weakening Mr Sharif, or even having him replaced by someone like Chaudhry Nissar, or the army’s favourite, Imran Khan.In these circumstances, Mr Sharif’s major focus of attention will lie on how to manage the intrigues and challenges posed by his army chief, at least till November 30. The effort to destabilise him will revolve around the “Panama Gate” revelations, involving Panama bank accounts of his two sons who live in London, and his daughter Maryam who is evidently being groomed to succeed him. While this issue can be managed in parliament, especially with PPP support, Mr Sharif knows that the army will create circumstances through Imran Khan and people like Canada-based cleric Tahir-ul-Qadri, to destabilise him. Moreover, the army has made it clear that it will play the lead role in implementing the much-touted China-Pakistan corridor and will, in any case, give very little space to the Prime Minister on relations with the US, China, India and Afghanistan.  This, combined with the army’s propensity to undertake military operations within Pakistan, without governmental or parliamentary approval, will inevitably seek to reduce Mr Sharif to a mere figurehead.Domestic problems alone, however, are not the only challenges Mr Sharif faces. Less than a week before his return, four Iranian border guards were killed in clashes along Iran’s border with Baluchistan. The Iranians were clearly displeased with the conduct of Raheel Sharif during the visit of President Rouhani to Pakistan. In the meantime, tensions along the Pakistan-Afghanistan border have been ratcheted up, following clashes at the Torkham crossing point along the Pakistan-Afghanistan border. Both armies reportedly used heavy weaponry and took casualties in these clashes. Quite clearly, Pakistan wishes to use these developments to compel Afghanistan to formally recognise the Durand Line as the international border, by also threatening to force the return of 1.5 million Afghan refugees residing in Pakistan since the 1980s.The Afghans have clearly no intention of pandering to Pakistani ambitions. While visiting Afghanistan recently, the veteran Pakistani Pashtun nationalist leader and chief of the Awami Milli Party, Mehmood Khan Achakzai, shot back, saying he would not allow anyone to harass the refugees in their own land “because it also belongs to them”. He asserted that Pakistan’s Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Province “belongs” to the Afghans and they can live there without fear or invitation. He added that if Afghans are harassed in other parts of Pakistan, they could come to Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Province. His  comments rocked Islamabad. It was the first time in recent years a Pashtun leader had challenged the legitimacy of the Durand Line as the border between Pakistan and Afghanistan. He also asserted that the traditional border extended up to Attock on the banks of the Indus, and includes parts of Baluchistan.Pakistan media’s paranoia about Iran and Afghanistan is growing. Obviously, based on ISI briefings, sections of the media are alleging cooperation between the intelligence services of Afghanistan and Iran to assist Baluch national leaders in their “freedom struggle” against Punjabi domination, with Achakzai acting as the facilitator. It also appears that the Americans are going to look the other way. But given the fact that the Afghan Taliban, which has publicly not taken any view on issues like those raised by Achakzai is dependent on Pakistan’s support, it is inevitable that the ISI support to it will continue, raising the hackles of the Afghan government. Pakistan’s western borders are set to become even more volatile. China now remains Pakistan’s only supporter on its border.Can India expect any relief on cross-border terrorism because of these developments? While General Raheel Sharif is no fundamentalist, he passionately loathes India. His uncle and brother lost their lives in conflicts with India in 1965 and 1971. Institutionally, the Pakistan army uses tensions with India to wield unchallenged influence in Pakistan. In these circumstances, there is little that Mr Nawaz Sharif can deliver on issues like trade, economic cooperation and terrorism. While responding firmly to Pakistan-sponsored terrorism, New Delhi should realistically remember that the prospects for moving forward in relations with Pakistan are bleak at present


ओआरओपी के किन बिंदुओं पर असहमत हैं पूर्व सैनिक

ओआरओपी के किन बिंदुओं पर असहमत हैं पूर्व सैनिक

केंद्र सरकार द्वारा पूर्व सैनिकों की मांगें स्वीकार किए जाने के बावजूद उनका रोष शांत नहीं हुआ है। दिल्ली के जंतर मंतर पर आंदोलनरत इन सैनिकों की शिकायत है कि संसद में खुद प्रधानमंत्री नरेंद्र मोदी ने जो वादा किया था उसे पूरा नहीं किया गया है। भगत सिंह कोश्यारी कमेटी की सिफारिशों को लागू नहीं किया गया है। इनका मानना है सरकार जिस ओआरओपी की बात कर रही है वह अधूरी है, जिसे वे नहीं मानेंगे। उन्होंने सरकार को लगातार पत्र लिखे हैं,लेकिन अभी तक किसी का जवाब नहीं आया। इससे निराश होकर चंडीगढ़ आर्म्ड फोर्स ट्रिब्यूनल में याचिकाएं दायर कर दी गई हैं। हाल में विदेश राज्य मंत्री वीेके सिंह ने बताया था कि ओआरओपी का करीब 95 प्रतिशत भुगतान किया जा चुका है। प्रश्न उठता है कि फिर कहां कमी रह गई है कि इन सैनिकों को आंदोलन जारी रखने और याचिकाएं दायर करने के लिए मजबूर होना पड़ा। दोनों पक्षों में समन्वय की कहां कमी रह गई है ?

यह मांग कुछ महीनों की नहीं,बल्कि चार दशकों से की जा रही है। पिछले साल मोदी सरकार ने इसे लागू करने के न्यायिक समिति गठित की थी। पटना हाईकोर्ट के रिटायर्ड चीफ जस्टिस एल नरसिम्हा रेड्डी को इसका अध्यक्ष बनाया था। वन रैंक वन पैंशन यानि ओआरओपी की मांग कर रहे ये सैनिक किन कारणों से दिल्ली के जंतर मंतर पर जुट गए। उन्हें क्यों ऐलान करना पड़ा कि वे अपना आंदोलन और तेज करेंगे।  पूर्व सैनिक क्या चाहते हैं सरकार को उनसे बातचीत करनी चाहिए।

गौर करना होगा कि यह व्यवस्था अंग्रेजों के समय में चली आ रही है। पूर्व सैनिकों की पैंशन वेतन की करीब 80 प्रतिशत होती थी जबकि सामान्य सरकारी कर्मचारी की 33 प्रतिशत हुआ करती थी। भारत सरकार ने इसे सही नहीं माना। वर्ष 1957 के बाद से पूर्व सैनिकों की पैंशन कम कर दी गई और अन्य क्षेत्रों की पेंशन बढ़ती रही। देखा जाए तो पूर्व सैनिकों की पेंशन की तुलना सामान्य सरकारी कर्मचारियों से नहीं की जा सकती। सामान्य सरकारी कर्मचारी को 60 साल तक वेतन लेने की सुविधा मिलती है, वहीं सैनिकों को 33 साल में ही रिटायर होना पड़ता है। उनकी सर्विस के हालात भी अधिक कठिन होते हैं। पूर्व सैनिक चाहते हैं कि 1 अप्रैल 2014 से ये योजना छठे वेतन आयोग की सिफरिशों के साथ लागू हो। यदि असली संतुलन लाना है तो उन्हें भी 60 साल की आयु में रिटायर किया जाए। वे 33 साल में ही रिटायर होने के बाद सारा जीवन केवल पैंशन से ही गुजारते हैं। ऐसे में उनकी पैंशन के प्रतिशत को कम नहीं करना चाहिए।

इन सैनिकों की परेशानी यह है कि 1 जनवरी 1973 से पहले जवानों और जेसीओ को वेतन का 70 फीसदी पैंशन के रूप में मिलता था। उस समय सिविल अधिकारियों के वेतन की 30 फीसदी पैंशन मिलती थी। इसे बाद में 50 फीसदी कर दिया गया, जबकि फौज के जवानों की पेंशन वेतन के 70 फीसदी से घटाकर 50 फीसदी कर दी गई। सरकार को स्पष्ट करना चाहिए कि उसने यह कदम क्यों उठाया? इन सैनिकों का कहना है कि 1973 के बाद सशस्त्र सेनाओं पर कोई विशेष ध्यान नहीं दिया गया। सरकार को बताना चाहिए कि वह क्या कर रही है।

रक्षा मंत्रालय की वन रैंक वन पैंशन योजना को चंडीगढ़ आर्म्ड फोर्स ट्रिब्यूनल (एएफटी) में चुनौती दी गई है। एक ही दिन में ओआरओपी के खिलाफ कुल आठ याचिकाएं दायर हुईं। मामले की सुनवाई कर रही बेंच ने रक्षा मंत्रालय को नोटिस जारी कर जवाब मांगा है। केंद्र सरकार की ओर से नोटिफिकेशन जारी होने के बाद यह पहली बार हुआ है जब किसी ट्रिब्यूनल में वन रैंक वन पेंशन को चुनौती दी गई हो। इससे जाहिर होता है कि कहीं न कहीं कमी छूट गई थी जिससे पूर्व सैनिक असंतुष्ट हैं। इनमें से कई पैंशनरों की उम्र करीब 80 से 90 की साल है। उम्र के इस पड़ाव में ये परेशानी के जिस दौर से गुजर रहे हैं उसे समझा जाना चाहिए।

ध्यान देना होगा कि यूपीए सरकार ने फरवरी 2014 में वन रैंक-वन पेंशन योजना की घोषणा की थी। अंतरिम बजट में इसके लिए 500 करोड़ रुपए का प्रावधान भी किया था। इसके बाद लोकसभा चुनाव में वह सत्ता से बाहर हो गई। नरेंद्र मोदी ने भी सितंबर 2013 में अपनी एक रैली में वादा किया था कि अगर उनकी पार्टी की सरकार बनी तो इस योजना पर तुरंत अमल होगा। एनडीए सरकार का जुलाई 2014 में पहला बजट आया। इसमें 1000 करोड़ रुपए इस योजना के लिए रखे गए। मोदी सरकार को सत्ता में आए दो साल होने वाले हैं,क्या कारण है कि पूर्व सैनिकों की समस्या का पूरा हल नहीं निकल पा रहा है।