Monthly Archives: August 2018

Ravinder Saini

Tribune News Service

Rewari, March 31

A court of civil judge has issued notices to 104 persons, including Army Chief, Haryana’s Chief Secretary, DGP, Home Secretary, all 10 MPs and 90 MLAs, while hearing a petition moved by a senior citizen regarding the problems and mental stress he faced during the Jat reservation stir last month.Satbir Singh (63) of Naya Gaon here, said in his petition that they all failed to perform their duty during the Jat stir resulting in acute inconvenience to a large number of people for several days.“I had to spend six sleepless nights due to road blockades. I could not even go to Delhi in time to get my ailing wife treated,” said Satbir.The petitioner said he had come to Rewari from Delhi on February 20 in connection with a court hearing, but could not go back due to blockades. He has also sought a compensation of Rs 1 lakh for the harassment he faced during the agitation.The court has issued notices to all the persons and fixed May 2 as the next date of hearing.

Washington, April 29

A top US lawmaker has alleged that China was helping Pakistan with intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs) and claimed that it was also engaged in bullying its neighbours in Asia.

“They (China) are thieves. They steal our intellectual property. Cyber attacks, I believe they’re responsible for those, they’re bullying Asia, trying to make new sovereign territory in the South China Sea and then claim the area around it,” Congressman Ted Poe alleged during a Congressional hearing on Asia yesterday.

“They’re helping Pakistan with ICBMs, and then you get to human rights, they’re the worst offender I think in the world,” he alleged.

“They persecute Christians and other religious minorities, and then they have this practice of putting people they don’t like, like the Falun Gong, in prison and charging them with trumped-up political crimes and then harvesting their body organs and sell those on the marketplace,” he said.

“That’s probably the worst type of crime in the world, in my opinion,” Poe said during a House Foreign Affairs Committee hearing on Challenges and Opportunities in Asia.

Deputy Secretary of State Antony Blinken testified before the committee but did not respond to the allegation of Poe that China is helping Pakistan with intercontinental ballistic missile.

Earlier this week, Poe and Congressman Mike Rogers in a letter to US Secretary of State, John Kerry, Defense Secretary Ashton Carter and Director of National Intelligence James Clapper sought more information on report that China has enabled a Pakistani nuclear missile capability.

Rogers is Chairman of the Subcommittee on Strategic Forces and Ted Poe is Chairman of Subcommittee on Terrorism, Non-proliferation and Trade.

In their letter Rogers and Poe referred to a recent research by well know Chinese military technology expert Richard Fisher who has noted the design similarities between the Shaheen III TEL (transporter erector launcher), the Sanjiang Special Vehicle Corporation of the China Aerospace Science and Industry Corporation (CASIC) WS51200 TEL, and a Chinese provided TEL North Korea’s new KN-08 intercontinental ballistic missile (ICBM).

This led Fisher to conclude, “CASIC has again enabled a Pakistani nuclear missile capability,” the two lawmakers wrote in their letter to Kerry, Carter and Clapper.

“We are deeply concerned that the TEL displayed in Pakistan was acquired from China,” Rogers and Poe said in the two-page letter.

The transfer of an item as advanced and significant as a TEL, even if only transferred as a truck chassis known to be capable of modification to a TEL, would require the approval from the highest levels of China’s government if not also the People’s Liberation Army, they noted.

“Such cooperation between the governments of Pakistan and China would represent a threat to the national security of the United States and its allies,” Rogers and Poe said and asked a set of six questions to the Obama Administration.

“Is there any evidence that China or Chinese entities have supplied TELs, or trucks capable of being modified to TELs, for a Pakistani medium-range nuclear ballistic missile? If so, how many? And when did the Administration learn of the possibility that such TELs would be transferred to Pakistan?

“And of the transfer(s)?” they asked.

“What, if anything, has the Administration done to ensure China halts such cooperation and demands the return of these TELs?  What entities in Pakistan and in China were conduits for the transfer of funding involved in this transfer?” the lawmakers asked. — PTI

The pile-up of pending cases in courts is an old annoying problem everyone is familiar with and none cares. But an emotional touch by Chief Justice TS Thakur has brought the issue to the national centre stage. Even Prime Minister Modi appeared moved enough to offer a closed-door meeting to sort out the manpower problem. The real sufferers continue to be the litigant public and undertrials languishing in jails as their cases linger for years due to, apart from the shortage of judges,  infrastructural inadequacies, dilatory judicial procedures and non-cooperative advocates who sometimes have a vested interest in seeking repeated adjournments. The PM recalled having offered a solution as the Gujarat Chief Minister: reduce the vacation period of courts and increase the daily working hours. India needs at least 50 judges for every 10 lakh people but has only 15-16 now. Ways can be found to tackle the backlog problem provided the Centre and states make earnest efforts. The Union government is sitting over 170 names recommended by the Supreme Court collegium for appointment as high court judges and this despite the fact that high courts work with 50 per cent of their sanctioned staff strength. The collegium, the CJI said, was ready to make amends, if needed. The real problem, perhaps, lies elsewhere. There is a government-judiciary standoff over the issue of National Judicial Appointments Commission. The executive is not delaying the judges’ appointments without a reason. It is miffed at the idea of judges appointing judges.  As is evident from his recent speeches at Jammu and Allahabad, Chief Justice Thakur has been raising the problems of judicial delays and an overworked judiciary for quite some time. At Sunday’s meeting he pleaded for action. He even requested the government not to link the issue of filling HC vacancies to the new Memorandum of Procedure for the appointment of judges that is pending approval of the CJI. However, the NJAC stalemate is only indicative of an institutional tussle. A haughty Modi government is unwilling to appreciate the importance of an independent judiciary. This is one of a piece with the Indira Gandhi days. A wayward executive did not serve the nation then; nor will it now.

New Delhi: The Indo-Tibetan Border Police (ITBP) is setting up ‘holiday homes’ for its jawans and their families at 12 scenic locations as part of its welfare scheme for the lower ranks personnel. ITBP chief Krishna Chaudhary on Friday laid the foundation stone of the first such home at Mussoorie in Uttarakhand. The other places that have been chosen are Shimla, Almora, Joshimath, Madurai, Gangtok, Chittoor and Sarahan in Himachal Pradesh. — PTI

Srinagar, April 20

The wife of a Colonel was killed and an Assistant Commandant of the CRPF was injured in a road accident in north Kashmir’s Baramulla district this morning.The police said the vehicle they were travelling in skidded off the road at Tapper on the Srinagar-Baramulla highway and collided with a tree around 7.30 am today.They said Wandhana Rathu, 35, wife of Colonel Sourab Rathu, Commanding Officer of the 21 Rajputana Rifles, died instantly. She was a resident of Dwarka in Delhi. Assistant Commandant of the CRPF Manish Kumar was seriously injured.“The three-year-old child of the Army officer miraculously escaped unhurt in the accident,” said a police officer in north Kashmir. The police said the driver of the vehicle had been arrested. The vehicle had left Chowkibal in frontier Kupwara district this morning and was on its way to Srinagar when it met with the accident. — TNS

‘Let us remember that Make in India for defence must not be our goal.’
‘The goal is to have a strong military to help the nation protect its identity and assert its will,’ says Air Marshal P V Athawale (retd).

Years ago, a Swamiji was invited by the College of Defence Management as a part of a series of guest lectures. What stayed with me was his analogy for human behaviour. He spoke about the two distinctive human behavioural patterns — the ‘dog pattern’ and the ‘cat pattern.’

A dog and a cat lived in each other’s neighbourhood. Both were happy in their respective lives. The dog said, ‘I am happy; my master looks after me very well — he is God.’ The cat was different. He said, ‘I am happy; my master looks after me very well because I am God.’

Ever since, I have looked at different situations of conflict with Swamji’s wisdom. Everything falls into place once we appreciate the patterns of human behaviour where some people or organisations expect others to submit to them. I call it the ‘I am God’ syndrome.

When interacting elements begin to believe that ‘I am God,’ despite each one meaning well, the result is a lack of synergy and non-accomplishment. This is what happens between the players that aspire to build indigenous capability for the Indian armed forces.

People often cite the development of space capability and the accomplishments in atomic energy and exclaim, ‘If they can do this, why not defence!’ They overlook the unity of direction in those domains — the designer, developer, user and maintainer being under the control of a single agency.

The military capability of a nation rests on a triangular base. The three pillars are:

• The armed forces on the basis of assets and training/preparation;
• Research and development capability;
• Manufacturing/industrial capacity.

The military could also be classified into three distinct classes on the basis of its influence: Local, regional and global. However proficient a fighting force be, its reach will be localised if the nation’s R&D and industrial capability are insignificant.

For a nation to aspire to enhance its military influence to the regional level, it has to progressively improve its industrial capability.

Finally, any military can have global influence only if the nation’s R&D and industry are dominant players with a cutting edge over adversaries. This gives its military the first use of best weapon systems to develop operational concepts and tactics ahead of other nations.

Let us remember that Make in India for defence must not be our goal. The goal is to have a strong military to help the nation protect its identity and assert its will. Enhanced indigenous industrial capability is a prerequisite for the nation’s military to be reliable and effective in times of crisis.

Therefore, indigenous design/development and manufacturing capability are necessary conditions to achieve the goal of maintaining a powerful military force. This simply means that Make in India cannot be forced upon the military without ensuring that it meets the requirements.

In a recent discussion on the subject at IIT-Roorkee, the defence minister pointed out the prerequisite by saying that ‘the needs of the armed forces cannot be overlooked.’

Each of the three pillars or components of military capability (Armed forces, R&D, and industrial capacity) are often measured for performance in isolation. Consequently, each one strives to maximise its performance in seclusion. It is convenient to work independently towards a localised objective.

The industry (mainly defence PSUs) have made profits through licensed manufacturing, while progressively reducing the design & development effort — the local measures of production and profits have been well satisfied.

The Defence Research and Development Organisation, satisfied in accomplishing programmes which permit autonomy in execution, have given little of significance to military aviation’s requirements. Both DRDO and defence PSUs view the armed forces’ penchant for foreign systems as a problem.

The armed forces, who carry the ultimate responsibility, justify foreign purchases because of the lack of availability of indigenously developed state-of-the-art weapon systems.

Strategic thinkers often wonder why we cannot produce indigenous designs today, when we (Hindustan Aeronautics Limited) had produced an indigenously designed and developed multi-role fighter aircraft (HF-24 Marut) in the early 1960s.

Back then, DRDO hadn’t quite grown and HAL’s top management was deputed from the air force. These situations are not relevant to the size of these organisations and the expected performance from defence R&D and industry today. The fact is that the unified direction and control of those times was vital in creating the HF-24 Marut.

Both DRDO and HAL are now big empires; Gods in their own right, who desire submission by their clients and acceptance of their products as a mark of appreciation for their hard work. It is not uncommon to hear expressions like ‘The air force would keep asking for more, but had to be directed to accept!’

On its part, the air force is not happy to compromise specs — there is a limit to which the genius of our pilots can offset our aircraft deficiencies compared to adversaries.

When the old specs are nearly met a decade later, the world has moved on and those specs now fall short of the air force’s current expectations. And the process goes on.

As a solution, the air force looks for more control and makes futile attempts to make the impossible happen — have an air force pilot as the chairman of HAL.

Every player in the arena has noble intentions towards making the nation stronger. However, each one’s perception of the requirements is different. These perceptions differ because they are based on inappropriate assumptions to satisfy local measures.

The result is that we have three Gods to be brought together (in addition to the much needed private industry).

The solution is not ‘win-win’ — no one should be forced into compromises. Industry shouldn’t be made to wait endlessly for products to be put to use. There is no short cut to development of hi-tech systems.

Our own armed forces have to use indigenous systems at intermediate stages of technological development for products to mature and be counted among the best in the world. At the same time, the armed forces need for state-of-the-art should be acknowledged before jeopardising acquisitions in view of unrealistic assurances of indigenous development timeframes.

The ‘I am God’ syndrome won’t permit us to Make in India until all agencies come together to find this win-win solution.

The defence minister may consider the appointment of a coordination group consisting of those with techno-military acumen to facilitate synergy to advise him directly without the bureaucracy stepping in as another super God.

Air Marshal P V Athawale (retd) is the former Air Officer Commanding-in-Chief, Maintenance Command, Indian Air Force.

Dinesh Kumar
With the retirement pace fast exceeding the replacement rate, the Indian Air Force faces an ageing aircraft fleet. Shortfalls in squadron strength apart, the IAF is plagued by a long list of ailments reflective of bad planning which is adversely impacting India’s air- power capability.

Indian Air Force”s AWACS (airborne warning and control system) landing at a forward base after a successful mission during an exercise. An “eye in the sky” & a major force multiplier, the AWACS is under-utilised even seven years after its induction in the IAF. PTI

The fighter squadron strength of the Indian Air Force (IAF), the world’s fourth largest, has fallen to 33, nine short of the sanctioned strength of 42.Translated in numbers, the shortfall works out to 144 aircraft; 162 if the trainer version is included.This declining strength has understandably led the IAF to publicly acknowledge that fighting a “two-front collusive war” (with China and Pakistan) has resultantly become difficult. Ideally, the IAF would like to expand its fighter fleet to 45 squadrons to be able to fight a two-front war. Instead, the worst is yet to come with the projected decline expected to touch a low of 25 squadrons by 2022, which is just six years away. Reason: the retirement pace of the IAF’s ageing aircraft fleet is fast exceeding the replacement rate.And yet ironically, at the same time, the IAF’s fighter pilot-to-cockpit ratio has declined to less than one pilot per aircraft (0.84) against a sanctioned strength of 1.25 in contrast to 2.5 of the Pakistani Air Force. Thus the IAF is afflicted by both lesser fighter aircraft and a pilot shortfall. But the story does not end here. The IAF remains plagued by a long list of ailments reflective mainly of bad planning and mismanagement.The IAF’s most modern aircraft is the Russian-origin Sukhoi-30 multi-role fighter first inducted almost 20 years ago in June, 1997 with all other fighter aircraft being 26 to over 40 years old. Of the 272 Su-30s contracted for raising 13 squadrons, the IAF until March 2015 had inducted 204 of these aircraft. Despite it being the most recent induction, the current 10 squadrons continue to be hit by low serviceability, shortfalls in performance and deficiency in manpower. For example, for over two years between 2007 and November 2009, 31 Su-30s remained grounded due to frequent snags in its fly-by-wire system. The serviceability record ranged between 55 and 60 per cent and the shortfall in flying effort between 31 and 43 per cent from 2005 to 2010. Earlier, in January 1995, following delays in the development of the Tejas, the light combat aircraft (LCA) under indigenous development since 1983, India contracted upgrading 125 Soviet-origin MiG-21 Bis fighters. Although these were upgraded and re-inducted between 1998-99 and 2007-08, the harsh reality is that the upgrade is neither completely successful nor comprehensive. Serviceability remains low with a high percentage of aircraft grounded due to non-serviceability of spares. Even the on board radar’s performance remains unsatisfactory. Only 43 per cent of the aircraft have self-protection jammers, leaving the remainder aircraft vulnerable to enemy radars and electronic warfare threats. Between 2004-05 and 2008-09, the serviceability ranged between 41 and 51 per cent, while 23 and 37 per cent aircraft remained grounded.A bizarre example of bad planning and carelessness pertains to the highly sophisticated and expensive airborne warning and control system (AWACS) aircraft bought at a cost of Rs 5,042 crore and inducted between September 2009 and February 2012. Shockingly, for two years these aircraft were parked in the open despite the risk of degradation of radar performance and an adverse impact on the radome’s surface smoothness. Reason: the hangars had not been built in time despite the contract being signed almost six years earlier in March 2004. And so, in May 2010 disaster struck with all four engines of one of the AWACS getting damaged in a gale storm rendering it unserviceable for almost four months (May 7 to August 25, 2010). Miraculously, the sophisticated Israeli radome did not get damaged.The AWACS, which functions as an “eye in the sky”, is a major force multiplier and strategic asset. Seven years since its induction, the AWACS continue to have a record of low serviceability and under-utilisation due to restrictions on take-off weight due to limited runway length, unavailability of fighter aircraft to accompany it, periodic unserviceability of sub systems and a 50 per cent pilot shortage who in turn are untrained for air-to-air refuelling (AAR) despite specially fitted AAR pods costing Rs 654 crore to enhance the aircraft’s range and flying endurance. In 2013, 61 of the current 103 Soviet-origin vintage An-32 transport aircraft were grounded because facilities for extending the technical life and overhauling of the aircraft could not be established in time. Serviceability of the seven types of Soviet-origin Mi helicopters that constitute 60 per cent of the helicopter fleet fluctuated between 45 and 75 per cent, while shortfalls in achievement of flying tasks ranged between 47 and 67 per cent between 2003 and 2009. About 80 percent of the IAF’s two Mi-25/35 attack helicopter squadrons have already completed their prescribed life.The IAF hopes to make up for the shortfall by inducting the “indigenous” Tejas, purchasing 126 multi-role combat aircraft (MRCA) and co-developing a fifth generation fighter (FGFA) with Russia. But once again, the reality is hardly encouraging. The Tejas, running over a decade behind schedule, is still awaiting final operational clearance even though it is already heavily compromised following as many as 53 permanent waivers and concessions that have markedly reduced its operational capability. There are serious deficiencies in its electronic warfare capability and, as such, the Tejas in its current form does not meet the IAF’s requirements.As for the MRCA, the government for now has decided to settle for just 36 French Rafale fighters which is 90 short of the IAF’s requirement, while the FGFA still remains in the discussion stage. Unless the government takes serious notice, it is evident a reversal of the grim situation is unlikely in the near future. Shortfalls in squadrons apart, the government is unable to efficiently manage even what it has. India’s air power remains compromised. 

dkumar@tribunemail.com

Photo for representational purpose. — Reuters

Ajay Banerjee

Tribune News Service

New Delhi, April 6

India has asked the US to stand guarantee for transfer of technology (TOT) if any US-based companies are to bid under ‘Make in India’ for the fighter jet programme.This was part of the talks held between the defence policy group of the two countries yesterday and today in the run up to the meeting between Indian Defence Minister Manohar Parrikar and his US counterpart Ashton Carter. The two leaders will meet for delegation-level talks on April 12 in New Delhi. Carter arrives in Goa on April 10.Boeing and Lockheed Martin have submitted proposals to have a ‘Make in India’ for fighter jets. New Delhi is looking for additional fighter jets once it signs the Rafale fighter jet deal with Dassualt Aviation of France.Sources confirmed that Swedish company Saab, that makes the Gripen jet, has committed to TOT and so have the French for their jet. In the past, TOT has been major issue as India has refused sign on three separate agreements which the US terms as ‘foundational agreements’.Indian Air Force (IAF) Air Chief Marshal Arup Raha on March 4 made it public that the government was planning to start a ‘second assembly line’ of fighter planes under the Make in India project. The first being the locally-made Light Combat Aircraft (LCA), the Tejas.The US is also keen that the much-talked-about Defence Technology and Trade Initiative (DTTI) can progress unhindered once India signs the ‘foundational agreements’.The agreements are: Communications Interoperability and Security Memorandum of Agreement (CISMOA), Basic Exchange and Cooperation Agreement for Geo-Spatial Cooperation (BECA) and the Logistics Support Agreement (LSA).Of these the LSA – an agreement to share military logistics use each other’s land, air and naval bases for resupplies, repair and rest – is in advanced stages of talks. India has asked the US to make it India specific not the standard LSA which the US has with its allies like the UK. “Some gaps have been closed at the meetings,” said sources, while adding that New Delhi fears the LSA could a binding commitment to support the United States in a war.

Arun Joshi
A political will to find a way forward on the contentious Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA), which has pitted the people of Kashmir against the Army, is the need of the hour. A realistic assessment of the Kashmir situation as well as confidence-building measures will help.

Members of the All-Party Hurriyat Conference shout slogans during a protest against the Army”s Pathribal verdict.

There  is a way out of the  two fiercely contested narratives  about the Armed Forces Special  Powers Act  in Jammu and Kashmir. The need of the hour is a fair and transparent assessment of the situation in which the ground realities and a  sense of mutual trust should matter the most, rather than  a perennial war scenario contrasted with the hate-mongering triggered by vested interests.More importantly, a strong will  to find a way  forward  should be  on the agenda of both the sides. Unfortunately, the two sides  in this sensitive terrain  are identified  as  the people of Kashmir versus the Indian Army. The very purpose of the definition and objective of having the Army to protect the people is increasingly under threat. The twin narratives are massive misinformation about special powers of the armed forces under AFSPA which is opposed to the well-entrenched belief that no operation in Kashmir is possible without the shield of  AFSPA since it would undermine anti-militancy operations.These two narratives are eroding the very idea  with which the Act was invoked  in  Jammu and Kashmir  in two phases — July 1990 and August 2001 — to protect the lives and properties of the people  against the onslaught of terrorism sponsored from across the border.After almost 26 years of its existence, the  Disturbed Area Act  and AFSPA  do not have the relevance as when they were introduced  to combat militancy in July 1990. The people of the Valley  spent sleepless nights as peace was shattered by the  24×7 gunfire and grenade explosions. There is a reasonable validity in the Army’s argument — though it should have been articulated  by the state and the Central government and  not by the generals — that this immunity is needed in some parts  of the state.  The Army did not come on its own, the governments  asked for them and their special powers in Jammu and Kashmir. In July 1990, the Centre  did it when the state was under Governor’s rule and the late Mufti Mohammad Sayeed was the  Union Home Minister.In the second phase, August 2001, it was enforced on the recommendations of the Farooq Abdullah government, which was under perceptible  pressure from the then NDA government at the Centre. The entire Jammu region was notified as “Disturbed Area”  and armed forces were conferred  with special powers. Earlier, only the Valley and 20-km radius from the Line of Control in the twin border districts of Rajouri and Poonch in Jammu region were covered under these provisions.Now for more than a decade the debate has been raging whether the AFSPA should stay or go. The narrative is based mostly on the political, ideological and religious leanings,  rather than on a fair assessment of what is happening  on the ground and what needs to be done. The situation has changed, but contrasting  perceptions have not. It seems that the clock is either frozen for some or it is moving ahead of the times.   The perception of the Kashmir-centric political groups of the the situation (partly  correct  too), is that it is much better than what it was in 1990 when AFSPA was invoked. Today, 20 out of 22 districts of the state are notified as Disturbed Areas and the armed forces enjoy immunity in these  parts of the state. It covers more than 95 per cent of the 12-million population of the state. A question was raised in  November 2011, what if the militants cover all the swathes  once the Army is  devoid of the special powers and finds it  difficult to  operate against them effectively  given the legal complexities  in conducting anti-terror operations. The  answer was typically political: “The  special powers can be restored  to the Army  once such an exigency arises.” Will any  Kashmir-centric party ever allow that to happen even if the militants happen to operate from their own neighbhourhood?  Never. Even if  they do it, the inevitable question is, why was the experiment  undertaken in the first place? Although  the street  protests  in 2016 have  a  disturbingly familiar resonance of the past, this time the Army is the prime target.   To counter such protests with guns  backfires. This strengthens the  anti-AFSPA narrative. A dispassionate  look at the prevailing situation in Jammu and Kashmir  is  a must before this debate to find a way forward is carried further. The narrative  based on the political, ideological and religious leanings  has to be shunned.Need of the times — a way forward The threat perception should be  taken into account  by reflecting on the past, present and the future moves of the forces which are active from across the border. It should not be contrived but  based  purely on the strategic need. Involving elected representatives of  all the parties,  the independent-minded village elders on  a village-to-village basis  and the  men from the Army  in determining the threat and the remedy would offer a roadmap which is acceptable to all barring those who have a permanent anti-India and anti-Army agenda. The causes of the radicalisation  of the youth in  Kashmir should be analysed. It would  make an interesting study, whether the Army presence and  special powers are being used as a tool to further the agenda of the radicalisation.  If that is so, the psychological aspect should be given more weightage than any other option.Alongside, a strategic endeavour would be to involve more and more people and the local religious leaders — there are many from outside the state who have  taken on themselves the task of  hardening the attitude of the younger generation  with hate-filled syllabi — to  curb radicalisation. The Jammu and Kashmir police should be given a role. Its recruitment should be  based on the professional  considerations and neither the political influence nor the religious leanings of the recruiting officials. Technology should be used extensively to eliminate the subjective human element in the recruitment process.The Army should think of going back to the barracks  with dignity. It must strengthen its anti-infiltration grid beriending the villagers on the border. The AFSPA was a need  of the times goneby, it should be retained  in the areas close to the borders and in militancy-infested villages. The rest of the population and places should be allowed to live  in the  forces-free areas. Eventualities of the Army firing in retaliation to any attack anywhere in the state should be  considered because the soldiers should  never be allowed to be sitting ducks. All those demanding the recall of the AFSPA should ensure that the  Army operations  against terrorists are not  interrupted by the vicious propaganda that instigates protest  against the soldiers  and provides escape routes to militants. Mutual trust  should be at the core in each aspect of the assessment and the future security needs. The Army too should understand that no extraordinary law required for emergency situations can be  kept alive perpetually.

ajoshi57@gmail.com

Defence Minister Manohar Parrikar along with Army Chief Dalbir Singh Suhag shakes hands with Army Vice-Chief Lt Gen MMS Rai as Northern Army Commander Lt Gen DS Hooda and Western Army Commander Lt Gen KJ Singh look on, at the bi-annual Army Commanders’ conference in New Delhi. Tribune Photo

Ajay Banerjee

Tribune News Service

New Delhi, April 25

With China having re-structured its military commands in October last year, the Indian Army – the biggest of the three armed forces — has been told to work on a long-term integration with the IAF and the Navy to have joint commands.The bi-annual Army Commanders’ conference commenced in New Delhi today with the Army top brass listed to discuss a host of issues related to operations, threats and future planning.Sources said China-style joint commands were a long-term plan and the top brass of all three forces had been told to discuss the issue among themselves. The IAF and the Navy have already completed their conferences. Defence Minister Manohar Parrikar visited one such joint command in Chengdu China on April 19.A joint command, termed in military parlance as a ‘theatre command’ places the resources of all forces at the command of senior military commander. For example a ‘theatre command’ in the east will integrate components of the IAF and the Army and also have flotilla of the Navy integrated with it. At present, the only joint command is in Andaman and Nicobar.The Army Commanders’ conference is the highest level ‘Army conference’ held to discuss current internal and external strategic issues, review of operational preparedness of the Army and aspects pertaining to training, administration, military technology and force modernisation. The conference will culminate on 30 April 2016.Meanwhile, addressing the Army Commanders’ conference, Army Chief General Dalbir Singh Suhag stressed the necessity to maintain a high degree of vigil and operational preparedness along disputed borders.He complimented commanders and troops in successfully executing recent counter-terrorist operations, while displaying due restraint.General Suhag, who visited the exercise Shatrujeet over the weekend in Rajasthan, stressed the necessity of speeding up the Army’s modernisation and capability development initiative. He stressed all commanders to continuously monitor and maintain internal health, values and ethics in all formations and units.