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It was a breezy, clear day with little traffic on the highway out of Srinagar when the driver of my Tata Sumo taxi veered to the edge of the road and stopped. “Army convoy,” he said, suddenly tense, pointing to a line of trucks hogging the centre of the road. A soldier in the lead vehicle popped out of the roof, waving a red flag. Another, opposite the driver, leaned out of the truck and waved a long lathi. “We must give way.” As an Indian and the son of a police officer, I was brought up with an agreeable view of men and women in uniform, even living a year in a paramilitary camp. As an Indian with a somewhat idealistic—if naive—notion of living in a democracy where no one had special privileges, the Kashmiri driver’s fear was irksome. I certainly knew things were different in Kashmir, but I could not accept the loss of my democratic privilege. “Keep driving,” I insisted. “No one can force us off the road like this.” He did not respond. The convoy was upon us. The soldier with the lathi leaned further out and violently thwacked our roof. I was startled, the driver flinched. “You see,” he said, and pulled off the road entirely.
PTIIn one of the world’s most militarised lands, alienation continues to grow, which is a bit of a non sequitur, considering that the resentment is decades oldI felt humiliated and angry. Could the army be this arrogant elsewhere in India? My little footnote was nothing, of course, compared to the humiliation and violence ordinary Kashmiris — terrorists or stone-throwers aside — experienced. I remember a colleague’s husband, bureau chief of a national television channel, describing how two CRPF troopers stopped his car at a checkpoint near the Dal Lake and said “chal murga banja”, hold both ears, squat and hop. Like me, he was used to certain privilege and was enraged. Then, he realised that the road was deserted–and that he was Kashmiri. “Anything could have happened, and no one would have known,” he said. He became a murga. The incidents I narrate unfolded during the summer of 2010, the year 112 mostly young Kashmiris were shot dead during clashes with security forces.
As the summer of 2016 kicks in, the hitherto calm town of Handwara in north Kashmir has erupted into a familiar cascade of riot, death, riot, death. There is calm now with four army bunkers removed, which means they weren’t needed. In one of the world’s most militarised lands — firsttime visitors are always startled by soldiers and weapons everywhere —alienation continues to grow, which is a bit of a non sequitur, considering that the resentment is decades old. Denying Kashmiris rights due to all Indians is now standard practice. Imagine the outrage if you were asked for get a licence to run a WhatsApp group — as the government proposed this week, even as Prime Minister Narendra Modi urged Kashmir’s youth “to dream to do something”. Whatever the government in Delhi, the hand extended to Kashmir has usually been clad in an iron glove.
That is why I found it ironic when the Congress’ P. Chidambaram wrote last week in the Indian Express that as home minister he believed a “militaristic approach” would only “exacerbate the [Kashmir] conflict”. During his tenure Kashmiris were increasingly denied the right of democratic protest, and draconian laws were ruthlessly enforced. After the torrid summer of 2016, when I met Chidambaram and explained how everyday humiliation was alienating more people, he dismissed these as “stray cases”.
I noted then that India faced an angrier generation quietly taking over the Kashmiri street and mind from older separatists. To be sure, the behaviour of security forces wasn’t the only reason: Many stone-throwers then admitted to being paid, meaning the pot was frequently stirred; and Wahabbi Islam was displacing Kashmir’s gentler sufism. In 2016, the ill-treatment of Kashmiris outside the Valley and the rise of the Hindu right further hardens the uncompromising nature of young people. As one recently said on his Facebook page, sympathetic Indians believe they have no problem with the chant: “Hum kya chahate? Azaadi!” They forget — or ignore — the Kashmiri said, that we also say: “Azaadi ka matlab kya? La ilaha illall’ah”, implying, freedom for Allah’s — and Islam’s — glory.
Despite a relatively calm 2015, the new generation is so widely inimical to India that engineers and post-graduates have taken to the gun, and disconcerted soldiers have seen — for the first time — locals swarming into the line of fire to help terrorists escape. Swelling attendance at burial marches of terrorists indicates the extent of separation.
Five have died, so far, in this year’s rioting, sparked by what now appears to be a dubious accusation of a soldier molesting a school girl, although — as is so often the case in Kashmir — agendas often obscure facts. India’s shaky credibility in the Valley was instantly dented when officials released an illegal video — made at a police station — that revealed the young woman’s identity. Kashmiris are only too aware that security forces often fudge facts, extra-judicial killings have gone largely unpunished and that soldiers legally get away with rape and murder. The girl says no soldier touched her, but it won’t make a whit of difference to the young men who relentlessly attack security forces any chance they get.
An argument I often hear is, “What about the human rights of security forces?” I do not envy the armed representatives of the Indian State in Kashmir. But the security forces are there to secure not just India’s boundaries but the idea of India as a composite democracy that appreciates diversity of opinion, race, language and creed. As Kashmiris question both the boundaries and idea of India with greater vehemence, it is incumbent on the security forces to demonstrate vastly greater maturity and restraint (which some do) than the stonethrowers. To equate the security forces with disaffected young men only questions the training and competency of soldiers, demeans India’s democracy and confirms to Kashmiris that India wants their land, not them.
Tribune News Service
Jammu, April 13
On the occasion of Siachen Day, a wreath-laying ceremony was held at the Siachen War Memorial in the base camp to pay tributes to fallen heroes of the frozen frontier.On this day in 1984, soldiers of the 4 Kumaon had landed at the glacier and pre-empted Pakistan’s move aimed at capturing it.The chief guest for the event, Commander of the Siachen Brigade, felicitated gallantry award winners, ex-servicemen and ‘veer naris’.The wreath-laying ceremony was attended by government and civilian officials and locals of the Nubra valley and Shyok valley. An ex-serviceman rally was also organised.The celebration of Siachen Day on April 13 is a very important annual event for the personnel deployed on the frozen frontier of the Siachen glacier.On April 13, 1984, ‘Operation Meghdoot’ was launched with the aim to deny Pakistan control over the Saltoro ridge.
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The Narendra Modi government is set to create a post of permanent chairman, chiefs of staff committee (COSC) — a four-star officer who will be the single-point military adviser to the Centre — four years after a recommendation by the Naresh Chandra task force on higher defence reforms.
Top government sources confirmed to Hindustan Times that the process of appointment of chairman, COSC, would begin after Modi’s in-principle approval next week. It is understood that a presentation on higher defence reforms and future air power planning will be made before the PM on April 12. The proposal has already been vetted by the cabinet secretary, national security adviser and defence minister.
“Once the presentation is cleared by the Prime Minister, a formal proposal will be moved for approval in the cabinet committee on security (CCS). The entire exercise should be over in a couple of months,” a senior official said.
The government envisages the permanent chairman to have a two-year tenure and equivalence in rank and protocol with the army, navy and air force chiefs of staff.
Selected on the basis of merit and from any of the three arms, the officer will be responsible for all military hardware acquisition processes, tri-service command in the Andaman and Nicobar Islands, cyber command, special forces, and for inculcating “jointmanship” within the forces for optimum utilisation of resources.
A single- point military adviser’s post in the form of chief of defence staff was proposed by the K Subrahmanyam Committee set up by the Atal Bihari Vajpayee gover nment after the 1999 Kargil war.
In 2011, the UPA regime revisited higher defence reforms under a committee led by former cabinet secretary Naresh Chandra. The committee, which submitted its report in 2012, recommended a watered down version of the CDS and called it the PCOSC (permanent chairman of the COSC).
“The whole idea behind appointing a PCOSC is to break down silos within armed forces and create synergy in the fighting force. The problem with the existing separate military headquarters is that there is a turf war between the three wings with each seeing things with its own perspective and requirement,” a senior official said.
OTTAWA: Canadian prime minister Justin Trudeau on Monday said he will offer a full apology in the House of Commons next month for the infamous Komagata Maru incident that has been remembered as an example of Canada’s discriminatory immigration policies in the early 19th century.
Of 376 passengers aboard Komagata Maru, majority were Sikhs.According to a Canadian daily, ‘The Globe and Mail’, the apology for the Komagata Maru incident will be delivered nearly 102 years after the ship from Hong Kong arrived off Vancouver only to have nearly all of its 376 passengers denied entry due to the immigration laws at the time.
The ship was eventually sent to Calcutta and least 19 people were killed in an ensuing skirmish with British soldiers, while others were jailed. While speaking at a Baisakhi celebration in Ottawa on Monday Trudeau said the Komagata Maru passengers were refused entry to Canada due to “discriminatory laws of the time”. A video on the website shows Trudeau — his head covered with a saffron cloth carrying a Sikh religious symbol — saying he would stand in the Canadian House of Commons on May 18 to deliver the full apology; at which there are cheers and raising of the Sikh slogan ‘Bole So Nihal, Sat Sri Akal’ by the audience.
“The passengers of the Komagata Maru like millions of immigrants to Canada since were seeking refuge and better lives for their families,” said Trudeau.” With so much to contribute to their new home, they chose Canada and we failed them utterly. As a nation, we should never forget the prejudice suffered by the Sikh community at the hands of the Canadian government of the day. We should not and we will not.” Trudeau says he will stand in the House of Commons on May 18 to deliver the full apology.
Meanwhile, Punjab deputy chief minister Sukhbir Singh Badal hailed Trudeau’s decision. “It’s very heartening to see that the Canadian government has acknowledged the hurt caused to the community by the 1914 incident,” he added.
New Delhi, April 8
The Supreme Court today sought the Centre’s response to a PIL by former Union Law Minister Ashwani Kumar for setting up old age homes and exclusive hospitals for the rising population of senior citizens in each of the 622 districts in the country.Arguing before a Bench headed by Chief Justice TS Thakur, Kumar pleaded that this was necessary as most of the old people were living in poverty — without any roof over their head or proper clothes and food. They were also increasingly becoming victims of abuse and violence.Kumar acknowledged that the Centre had put in place several laws and schemes such as the National Policy on Older Persons 1999, the old age pension scheme 1995, the Maintenance and Welfare of Parents and Senior Citizens Act 2007 and the Integrated Programme for Older Persons. The government also announced a health care policy in 2010-11. — TNS
Simran Sodhi
Tribune News Service
New Delhi, April 7
Pakistan High Commissioner Abdul Basit today said the peace process with India stood “suspended”, and there were no talks scheduled between the two countries as of now. The statement is being seen as a setback for bilateral ties as the word “suspended” had so far not been used by either nation to define the delay in holding a dialogue. Interacting with the media here, Basit said, “There is no meeting scheduled as of now. I think at present the peace process is suspended.” Basit was also non-committal on the visit by an NIA team to Pakistan: “It is not about reciprocity, but cooperation between the two countries.” He went on to state that dialogue was not a favour by one country to another, and that if India was not ready for talks, Pakistan could always wait. New Delhi was quick to hit back on both the issues. Ministry of External Affairs spokesman Vikas Swarup cited today’s response of a Pakistan Foreign Ministry spokesperson, who said: “I will again state that negotiations are the best means to resolve the issues. I have read the statement of the Indian Foreign Secretary you are referring to and in that also, there was an indication that the talks would take place.”India, as such, has questioned Basit’s statement on “suspension of talks”.Swarup said on March 26, before the visit of the Pakistan JIT, the Indian High Commission had formally conveyed to the Pakistani Foreign Ministry that “the terms of reference had been broadly agreed upon with the proviso that these would be on the basis of reciprocity and followed in accordance with extant legal provisions”.Basit also sought to push the Jammu and Kashmir dispute back in the forefront. “It is the Jammu and Kashmir dispute that is the root cause of mutual distrust and other bilateral issues. Therefore, its fair and just resolution, as per the aspirations of the people of Jammu and Kashmir, is imperative. Attempts to put it on the back burner will be counterproductive,” he said.The Pakistan envoy also raised the recent arrest of alleged Indian spy Kulbhushan Yadav by Pakistan security agencies, and said that it once again “irrefutably corroborates what Pakistan has been saying all along — we all are well aware of those who seem to create unrest and destabilise the country”.On India’s request for consular access to Yadav, Basit said, “The request is under consideration, but can’t say when they would be given consular access.” He also said that Pakistan “subscribed to China’s viewpoint on Jamaat-ud-Dawa (JuD) chief Masood Azhar”. India tried getting the JuD chief designated as a terrorist at the United Nations recently but the Indian move was stalled by the Chinese over a “technical hold”. China had subsequently said that Azhar was not a terrorist.