1/8 CGDA Confirmed Pensioners Data in SPARSH Mapped from Legacy PPO. Post Retirement Data Not Available in SPARSH

No ESM Org is coming forward to Approach Authorities to Resolve the Issues in SPARSH. As a Lt Col, Alone I am ZERO. Cooperation of Each One of You is SOLICITED. May I Request as your Brethren to Retweet to the Maximum. Forward this Tweet to All of your Veterans Groups with Request to them to RETWEET & Show our Sufferings. More Number of Veterans Joining Me in this Campaign can only bring Positive Results. CHOICE IS ENTIRELY OURS. Looking forward to your Cooperation please. Warm regards.. Lt Col RK Bhardwaj (Retd)

Gp Capt JS Boparai (retd)

BACK in August 1999, in the aftermath of the Kargil War, the IAF decided to induct low-altitude indigenous radar systems called INDRA (Indian Doppler Radar)-Mk II at one of its premier bases. One afternoon, the Station Commander summoned me to his office. I had barely sat down when he pushed a file towards me and said: ‘Look, this is a piece of paper. Now you have to make a unit out of it as the CO of the first INDRA-II radar of the IAF. All the best. Get going.’

The significance of the responsibility gradually dawned on me. While packing up in the evening, I could see around a dozen Tatra vehicles with mounted antennas and associated systems streaming through the main gate. I had mixed feelings: I was happy to don the new role but wary because I did not know much about the magnitude of the task ahead.

In the next three to four days, I could ascertain the challenges — locating the new systems inside open areas, finding temporary office spaces, pursuing cases for posting of trained manpower, operationalisation for rugged mobility, confirming the technical viability of the new systems that were lying unused with Bharat Electronics Limited, Ghaziabad (BE GAD), for quite a while and equipping them with self-sufficient administrative infrastructure for smooth deployment in remote and inhospitable terrain close to the borders.

Slowly but surely, things started falling into place. BE GAD teams started coming for a technical evaluation to gauge the stated capabilities of the systems and undertaking system modifications as per the Air Force requirements. Manpower started trickling in. Training courses by BE GAD commenced. Administration infrastructure and logistical support came slowly with excellent support from the station to the unit-in-the-making. Soon, the Air Officer Commanding-in-Chief (AOC-in-C) arrived to review the progress on the ground. To recreate a real field set-up, a briefing for him was planned in a tent with the use of white chalk or black Rexine charts hung on a blackboard stand. I was told that the AOC-in-C would not spare more than 10 minutes. On D-Day, the AOC-in-C, accompanied by the Station Commander, was duly ushered in. I walked up to the front for permission to start. ‘No, you can’t start,’ retorted the AOC-in-C, leaving everybody red-faced.

Before I could react, the AOC-in-C lifted the chair next to him, placing it across the table in front. He directed me to that chair: ‘Young man, this is one-to-one with you. Tell me quickly how I can help.’ Gathering my wits, I shared my take on the new format. I listed the glitches one by one. He replied: ‘Yeh Bharatiya hai, apna hai. Test rigorously, improve or improvise to prove it and hold its hand. As the man in the field, you count the most in making it a success story.’ The AOC-in-C gave a clear mandate. The station and the unit never looked back thereafter, honouring the AOC-in-C’s words and vision, overcoming all teething troubles and rolling out a robust system.

Indigenisation of military inventory is an arduous endeavour for a developing nation

C Uday Bhaskar

Director, Society for Policy Studies

INDIA carried out a successful Agni V missile test with MIRV (multiple independently targetable re-entry vehicle) capability on March 11. This is a commendable achievement. Kudos to the missile division of the Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO). With this demonstration of MIRV capability, India has joined a select band of nations — the US, Russia, France, UK and China — that can launch intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs) of 5,000 km-plus range. MIRV capability implies that a single warhead can carry multiple nuclear warheads and each of them can strike separate targets at different locations.

The distinctive feature of MIRV capability is that it degrades anti-ballistic missile defences.

Such a capability was first acquired by the US in the 1970s during the Cold War and subsequently by the erstwhile USSR (now Russia); the other three nuclear powers followed suit. The distinctive feature of MIRV capability is that it degrades anti-ballistic missile defences and has significant and complex implications for deterrence stability.

China acquired MIRV capability in 2015. There is a certain inevitability about the manner in which a major power moves up the techno-strategic ladder of weapons of mass destruction (WMD) capabilities. China became a nuclear power in October 1964 and India, after some reluctance, in May 1998.

After the disintegration of the USSR and the emergence of the US as the global hegemon, Beijing resolutely invested in acquiring trans-border military capability; the WMD domain received special attention. Seeking MIRV capability is part of this quest. Inasmuch as China seeks to assuage its WMD insecurity in relation to the US in the strategic arena, this element unfolds at a different level in relation to China and India and the Agni V MIRV test is part of this geopolitical trajectory.

However the major difference is that the two Asian giants are neighbours and share a 4,000-km land border. Furthermore, they have an unresolved territorial dispute with troops facing each other, and the ground situation in certain sectors is tense.

The Indian missile programme acquired visible traction in the early 1980s under then PM Indira Gandhi’s stewardship. This was an extraordinary accomplishment by the DRDO at a time when India was under a severe technology denial regime imposed by the US. Beginning with the modest Prithvi series, the IGMDP (integrated guided missile programme) has now added the nascent MIRV-capable Agni V to the Indian WMD arsenal. This capability will have a significant impact on regional WMD stability apropos of the China-India-Pakistan relationship.

In an unintended coincidence, even as India is celebrating the MIRV success, the annual report of SIPRI (Stockholm International Peace Research Institute) noted that India remained the world’s largest importer of arms. The March 2024 report has observed that India’s arms imports increased by 4.7 per cent between 2014-18 and 2019-23.

The gist of the latest SIPRI report is no different from what was highlighted in 2023 — that India is at the top of the arms importer list globally. The 2023 report noted that “with an 11 percent share of the total global arms imports, India was the world’s biggest importer of major arms in 2018-22, a position it has held for the 1993-2022 period.”

This reality check is contrary to the perception that India has acquired a credible degree of self-reliance (atmanirbharta) in its military inventory and that it is also a major arms exporter. The assertions made in this regard by Defence Minister Rajnath Singh are illustrative.

What explains this dichotomy wherein the DRDO’s missile programme has been a visible success but there is little in the conventional arms spectrum that can be applauded as significantly contributing to the indigenous effort? A caveat must be added that slender verticals in surveillance and communication equipment have been success stories, but these are exceptions in the less-than-flattering macro track record of the DRDO.

It is a matter of shame that over the past 50 years, while India has made significant progress in the WMD domain (missiles, nuclear weapons and nuclear propulsion), indigenisation of the conventional military inventory continues to have bleak prospects. From a personal weapon (rifle) to the larger artillery gun, tanks and combat aircraft, the scorecard is dismal. The political apex, the military brass, the defence bureaucracy and the government scientists are all culpable for this morass. The ecosystem they have nurtured encourages arms imports.

The DRDO has been the subject of numerous reviews by redoubtable domain experts, from former President APJ Abdul Kalam (who led the missile programme during his DRDO years) to Vijay Kelkar, Palle Rama Rao and Naresh Chandra, but there has been no tangible improvement in the output of the DRDO. Many claims of high-octane successes have been made over the past five years, but they fall in the 90-10 matrix — a modest 10 per cent success has been inflated and projected in the public domain as being 90 per cent and world-class. Some initiatives have been taken to infuse dynamism into the moribund indigenous defence R&D and production sector, but they remain aspirational and may be described as earnest, work-in-progress efforts.

The national security challenges for the next government will be daunting, but one tenet merits repetition: when it comes to matters of national security, electoral compulsions should not muddy the domain and create invalid or counter-factual narratives.

Indigenisation of the military inventory is an arduous endeavour for a developing nation; there will be numerous setbacks. The recent crash of a Tejas fighter aircraft is a case in point. The remedy lies not in obfuscation but in an objective review of failures and finding the optimal way ahead, with a much higher degree of institutional integrity and professional competence to the atmanirbharta quest than what has been the chequered experience of the past four decades.

Shining example of India’s maritime prowess

THE joint efforts made by the Indian Air Force (IAF) and the Indian Navy to free the merchant vessel MV Ruen from pirates in the Arabian Sea recently are a shining example of effective maritime security measures and inter-service collaboration. The successful operation saw the IAF’s C-17 heavy-lift aircraft execute a precision airborne drop of two combat boats and the Navy’s MARCOS commandos. Despite the hostile conditions, the IAF’s swift response and delivery played a crucial role in backing the Navy. This resulted in the surrender of 35 pirates and the release of the vessel and its crew. The proactive stance of the Navy, supported by the deployment of warships like INS Kolkata and INS Subhadra, demonstrates India’s readiness to safeguard global trade routes.

This isn’t the first time the Navy has showcased its capabilities in combating piracy. Over the years, it has undertaken a number of successful operations, including the rescue of the MV Suez in 2011 and thwarting piracy attempts in the Gulf of Aden in 2017. These actions not only protect the interests of the shipping industry but also contribute to international efforts towards maintaining peace and security at sea.

The Navy’s approach is in line with international conventions such as the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), which provides the legal framework for combating piracy and ensuring the safety of navigation in international waters. By adhering to the UNCLOS and collaborating with global partners, India has reaffirmed its commitment to upholding maritime law and order and cemented its place as the first responder on the high seas. As piracy continues to pose a threat to shipping trade, India’s timely operations serve as a model for other nations.

JERUSALEM, March 19

Israeli forces have killed more than 50 Palestinian gunmen and detained 180 suspected militants in a raid on Al-Shifa Hospital in the Gaza Strip, the army said on Tuesday.

The raid on Gaza’s biggest hospital began before dawn on Monday, with the military accusing Hamas of using it to hide fighters and plan attacks. At least one soldier has been killed by Palestinian gunfire within the compound, the military said.

UNHRC: restrictions to aid may be war crime

• Israel’s restrictions on humanitarian aid for Gaza may amount to a starvation tactic that could be a war crime, the United Nations human rights chief said on Tuesday
• The stark appraisal followed a UN-backed report saying famine is likely by May without an end to fighting in the more than five-month war between Israel and Hamas in the Palestinian enclave of 2.3 million people

Meanwhile, the United States urged a rethink of a promised ground sweep against Hamas hold-outs in the refugee-clogged city on the southern tip of the Gaza Strip. More than a million Palestinians displaced by the five-month-old Israeli assault elsewhere in the enclave have been sheltering in Rafah, which abuts Gaza’s border with Egypt.

Israel says one-sixth of Hamas’ combat strength – four battalions of the rifle- and rocket-wielding fighters – is in Rafah and must be crushed before the war can conclude. But the prospect of a spiralling civilian toll has raised alarm abroad. The Israeli military had no immediate comment on the overnight strikes in Rafah. Medics said the dead included three women and three children. The identities of the eight men killed were not immediately clear. — Reuters

Tribune News Service

New Delhi, March 19

The Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) has hit out at China’s Defence Ministry for its “absurd claims over the territory of the Indian state of Arunachal”, and underlined that “repeating baseless arguments in this regard does not lend such claims any validity”.

Chinese Defence Ministry spokesperson Senior Colonel Zhang Xiaogang had said that the southern part of Xizang (the Chinese name for Tibet) is an inherent part of China’s territory. Beijing “never acknowledges and firmly opposes” the “so-called Arunachal Pradesh illegally established by India”, he added, as quoted by the official media in Beijing.

The Chinese military’s comments followed those of its foreign office and were targeting PM Narendra Modi’s visit to Arunachal Pradesh earlier this month.

“Repeating baseless arguments in this regard does not lend such claims any validity. Arunachal Pradesh was, is and will always be an integral and inalienable part of India. Its people will continue to benefit from our development programmes and infrastructure projects,” said MEA spokesperson Randhir Jaiswal.

Earlier this month, PM Modi addressed the “Viksit Bharat Viksit North-East Programme” in Itanagar and laid the foundation stone for multiple development projects worth about Rs 55,600 crore in Manipur, Meghalaya, Nagaland, Sikkim, Tripura and Arunachal Pradesh.

Last week, South Block had hit back at Beijing for objecting to Prime Minister Modi’s Arunachal Pradesh visit. “Indian leaders visit Arunachal Pradesh from time to time, as they visit other states of India. Objecting to such visits or India’s developmental projects does not stand to reason,” Jaiswal had then said.

Inalienable part

Arunachal Pradesh was, is and will always be an integral and inalienable part of India. — Randhir Jaiswal, MEA spokesperson

A hypersonic missile is among an array of high-tech weapons systems that Kim publicly vowed to introduce in 2021 to cope with what he called deepening US hostility

eoul, March 20

North Korea successfully tested a solid-fuel engine for its new-type intermediate-range hypersonic missile, state media reported on Wednesday, claiming a progress in efforts to develop a more powerful, agile missile designed to strike faraway US targets in the region.

A hypersonic missile is among an array of high-tech weapons systems that North Korean leader Kim Jong Un publicly vowed to introduce in 2021 to cope with what he called deepening US hostility.

Outside experts say Kim wants a modernised weapons arsenal to wrest US concessions like sanctions relief when diplomacy resumes.

On Tuesday, Kim guided the ground jet test of the multi-stage solid-fuel engine for the hypersonic missile at the North’s northwestern rocket launch facility, the official Korean Central News Agency reported.

It cited Kim as saying the strategic value of the new missile with an intermediate-range is as important as intercontinental ballistic missiles targeting the US mainland and that “enemies know better about it”.

It said that a timetable for completing the development of the new weapons system was “set through the great success in the important test”.

Intermediate-range missiles possessed or pursued by North Korea are the weapons systems primarily aimed at attacking the US Pacific territory of Guam, home to US military bases.

Those missile can also reach Alaska, and with a range adjustment they can be used to strike closer targets like US military installations in Japan’s Okinawa island, experts say.

In recent years, North Korea has been pushing to develop more weapons with built-in solid propellants, which make launches harder to detect than liquid-propellant missiles that must be fuelled before liftoffs and cannot last long.

The North’s pursuit of hypersonic weapons is also meant to defeat US and South Korean missile defence systems, but it’s unclear the North’s hypersonic vehicles proved their desired speed and maneuverability during tests in recent years, analysts say.

In January, North Korea said it flight-tested a new solid-fuel intermediate-range ballistic missile tipped with a hypersonic, maneuverable warhead, in a likely reference to the missile mentioned in Wednesday’s KCNA dispatch.

In November, North Korea said it had tested engine tests for an intermedia-range missile but didn’t say whether it’s designed to carry a hypersonic warhead.

While the North’s missile test in January was likely related to the development of its first-stage rocket, this week’s engine test appeared focused on the development of its second-stage rocket in part of the North’s efforts to increase the weapon’s flying speed, said Chang Young-keun, a missile expert at South Korea’s Research Institute for National Strategy.

Chang said the latest engine test suggests North Korea could soon test-launch the new hypersonic missile.

After short-range tests with hypersonic weapons, North Korea would want to increase their ranges with maneuverable hypersonic warheads, Lee Choon Geun, an honorary research fellow at South Korea’s Science and Technology Policy Institute, said. He said the capacities of the new missile can be assessed when it’s test-flighted.

On Monday, South Korea, the US and Japan said they detected the multiple ballistic missile test-launches by North Korea in what was the country’s first missile firings in about a month. The North said on Tuesday it performed a live-fire drill of what it called nuclear-capable “super-large” multiple rocket launchers designed to target South Korea’s capital, Seoul. South Korea’s military later said it views the North Korean weapons system tested as a ballistic missile.

North Korea has been engaging in a provocative run of missile tests since 2022. The US and South Korea militaries have responded by expanding their bilateral exercises and trilateral drills involving Japan. Observers say North Korea will likely intensify its run of missile tests ahead of the US presidential election in November. AP

It was in view of the closure of the Srinagar-Leh national highway owing to heavy Snowfall, said an official.

PTI

Jammu, March 15

The Indian Air Force (IAF) carried 348 passengers in its aircraft between Ladakh and the Union territory of Jammu and Kashmir in view of the closure of the Srinagar-Leh national highway owing to heavy snowfall, an official said.

The IAF’s AN-32 aircraft, also known as Kargil Courier, was operated to airlift 171 passengers between Jammu and Kargil and 177 more between Srinagar and Kargil, officials said.

He said 152 passengers were airlifted from Jammu to Kargil and 19 from Kargil to Jammu, while 141 passengers were airlifted from Srinagar to Kargil and 36 from Kargil to Srinagar.

The IAF operates C-17, C-130 and AN-32 aircraft regularly to airlift stranded passengers between Jammu and Kashmir, and Ladakh in view of the closure of the 434-km Srinagar-Leh national highway since January owing to heavy snowfall. 

To pay back China in the same coin and create a pressure point for hard bargaining, India needs to play up the Taiwan issue, creating ambiguity about its status.

Lt Gen Pradeep Bali (Retd)

Military Analyst

THE stated government policy regarding the bilateral engagement with China is predicated on restoring peace and tranquillity along the Line of Actual Control (LAC); this includes de-escalation and disengagement in east Ladakh. Overemphasis on this aspect can well be interpreted as a strident stance reflective of a strong political will, but not pragmatism. China is not only our biggest neighbour but also a major international power with whom it would be prudent to remain engaged on a variety of issues of mutual interest and at various forums.

Despite the tensions on the borders, India and China continue to be important members of international groupings like the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation and BRICS. In fact, the latter is expanding in a big way, with several nations around the globe seeking its membership. India and China have been on the same page at various fora, like the IMF and the WTO, and have expressed their solidarity against the position adopted by developed countries. Both nations also share a long history of cooperation and coordination on environmental issues at global platforms. Despite China’s deep concerns about the Quad grouping, it would understand that India is strategically autonomous. The economic engagement in terms of India-China trade ties has been on the rise and it has been one of our largest sources of imports for the past 15 years despite efforts to reduce this dependency through import substitution and free trade agreements with ASEAN countries. This has resulted in an increasing trade deficit, skewed in favour of China.

However, despite these commonalities, the tense and inimical situation on the LAC is likely to continue, with the possibility of unpleasant face-offs between the Indian Army and the PLA. The military commander-level talks in east Ladakh have meandered on and become an exercise in filibustering by the Chinese. The Indian Army has responded strongly and built up its capabilities with enhanced deployment of troops and equipment. In short, for us, it’s a policy of containment on the northern borders and calibrated engagement on other issues.

In this kind of setting, India has to keep its leverages well-honed. Surprisingly, we have not optimised these aspects in the past and followed a path of appeasement against a wily and shrewd adversary like China.

First and foremost is the Tibet issue, which seems to have increasingly lost salience internationally. The fact that the spiritual and political head of Tibet was given sanctuary in India was seen as a hostile act by the Chinese. That the Central Tibetan Administration (CTA), also labelled as the Tibetan Government-in-Exile, was allowed to be set up in Dharamsala has always irked the Chinese Communist Party. In 1959, it was a bold move, but over the years, the Chinese hysteria about Tibet and ‘splittist’ Tibetans has seen India go overboard in trying to downplay this card. This attitude towards a country that makes no attempt to hide its views about J&K, disregarding Indian sensitivities, is puzzling. China has no compunction in obstructing Indian efforts at the UNO to include Pakistani perpetrators of terrorism on the list of designated terrorists. That a permanent member of the Security Council behaves in such an egregious fashion only shows that it places the narrow interests of its close ally — Pakistan — over international obligations.

The CTA now increasingly controls political aspects, with the Dalai Lama stepping into the shadows, though it is his charisma that continues to be the principal asset of the Tibetan cause. The future of the institution of the Dalai Lama is somewhat uncertain, with the present incumbent, who is getting on in years, having even mentioned that it may cease after his demise. The Chinese as well as the Indian government may have their own game plans, but the CTA is here to stay and needs to be played up in a manner which becomes a leveraging point for India.

Taiwan is the most sensitive issue for China, with the US playing hot and cold in the game of power politics in the South China Sea. India, while recognising the one-China principle, has semi-formal contacts and relations with Taipei. The India-Taipei Association in Taiwan and Taipei Economic and Cultural Centre in India are quasi- missions that recognise the extensive trade relations between India and Taiwan. Visits by retired chiefs of the armed forces, politicians and artistes recognise the fact that Taiwan cannot be wished away. Interestingly, PM Narendra Modi had visited Taiwan in 1999, when he was a BJP functionary. A bilateral investment agreement with Taiwan has been in force since 2005 and was revised in 2018, reflecting a robust and growing economic relationship with potential.

This needs to continue and gather more substance. Communist China has blatantly disregarded Indian sensitivities about Kashmir’s territorial inviolability as an integral part of this country by building the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor, which runs through Pakistan-occupied Kashmir. To pay back in the same coin and create a pressure point for hard bargaining, India needs to play up the Taiwan issue, creating ambiguity about its status.

Beyond all this, India needs to look at a lasting solution to the vexed LAC issue, with its multiple disputed and sensitive points, which are on the rise. China’s leadership is a master of procrastination on troublesome issues, as per its political calculus. However, that should not deter our leadership from endeavouring to resolve a macro problem which impacts both security and economy.

While the next government in India is expected to prioritise development and economic progress, it would possibly have the best opportunity for resolving the border issue with China in a comprehensive manner. This would entail some give and take, for which the political narrative would have to be built, seeking a satisfactory solution. A strategic handshake with the Dragon across the Himalayas would surely be in mutual interest.

Agni-V enhances India’s deterrence capabilities

INDIA’s test-firing of the Agni-V ballistic missile with MIRV (multiple independently targetable re-entry vehicle) technology marks a significant leap forward for the nation’s defence capabilities. Mission Divyastra, the culmination of years of dedicated efforts by the Defence Research and Development Organisation, showcases India’s growing technological prowess in the global arena. The project, being helmed by a woman director, Sheena Rani, highlights the country’s strides towards gender inclusivity in science and technology.

The strategic breakthrough has made India one of the six nations possessing the sophisticated MIRV technology. Wedged between nuclear-armed China and Pakistan, the nation has demonstrated its ability to develop cutting-edge defence systems that are on a par with those of major global powers. This technology enables the forces to deploy multiple warheads on missiles, introducing a new level of flexibility and resilience in India’s nuclear arsenal. Such advancements are crucial in a world where security threats are evolving rapidly and maintaining a credible deterrence posture is essential. India’s MIRV push can serve as a powerful deterrent against potential adversaries, reaffirming its resolve to defend its sovereignty and national interests.

Amid current geopolitical tensions, the country’s enhanced deterrence capabilities can act as a counterbalance to emerging threats, thereby contributing to peace and security regionally as well as globally. However, it is imperative to recognise that with advancements in defence firepower come greater responsibilities. India must continue to leverage its technological expertise to safeguard its interests while upholding the principles of peace, stability and responsible nuclear stewardship on the world stage.