Sanjha Morcha

Border resolution main focus of meet between India, China

NSA Doval to discuss security along LAC, OROP with China’s foreign minister

NEW DELHI/BEIJING: National security advisor Ajit Doval leaves for the city of Chengdu in South-west China on Thursday for the 21st round of Special Representative Dialogues between India and China on boundary resolution.

He will discuss strategic issues with state councillor and foreign minister Wang Yi with the focus on maintaining status quo along the 3,488 kilometre Line of Actual Control (LAC) between the two countries even as India enters an election season that effectively ends only in mid-2019. The crucial SR dialogue is on November 23-24 and, significantly, has been scheduled outside Beijing.

This is Wang’s first talks as China’s designated SR; he took over from former SR Yang Jiechi earlier this year.

The mechanism was put in place in 2003 with the mandate of achieving a fair, reasonable and mutually acceptable solution for the India-China border question at an early date.

The 20th round was held in India last year, the first one after the 73-day standoff between border troops at Doklam (Donglang in Chinese) near the Sikkim border in 2017 was resolved.

While the objective of the dialogue is peace and tranquillity along the LAC, both sides are veering towards the reality that despite claims on territory under occupation by the other side, the best option is “as it is; where it is”.

India claims 38,000 square kilometers land in the Aksai Chin region of Eastern Ladakh with another 5,180 kilometre illegally ceded by Pakistan to Beijing in 1963. China covers 90,000 squarekilometre territory, a large chunk of Arunachal Pradesh or what Beijing calls South Tibet.

The fact is that, the solution to the boundary issue does not lie in historical claims as ancient Indian religious scriptures repeatedly mention unhindered pilgrimage to Mansarover lake in Tibet and the Chinese talk about historical claims to Tawang in Arunachal Pradesh.

According to diplomats based in New Delhi and Beijing, the basic purpose of the dialogue apart from resolution of the vexed boundary issue is to maintain peace along the largely undefined or loosely defined LAC in the Western and Eastern sector.

The two special representatives will stress on continuous military exchanges on the border so that either of side does not take any unilateral steps on the border.

This bilateral assurance is significant to the Modi government as India goes into the general election mode immediately after the ongoing assembly election results come out next month.

“As for the issue of the border talks under the strategic guidance of the two leaders, ChinaIndia relations have maintained sound momentum of growth. The two sides have maintained close communication and coordination in all border-related affairs,” Chinese foreign ministry spokesperson, Geng Shuang, said.

“We have properly managed the differences through dialogue and consultation. The border areas on the whole maintained stability,” he said.

Apart from boundary issues, the two special representatives will discuss the security environment in the region and beyond, with councillor Wang expected to stress that China’s belt road initiative through Pakistan is not aimed at India but purely an economic initiative.

India has opposed the BRI in Pakistan from day one as the road passes through occupied Kashmir.

India is aware that China has increased its economic leverage with Pakistan by committing $3 billion as loan to tide over the IMF payment crisis faced by the Imran Khan government with an option of more loans to plug any gap. In this context, Saudi Arabia has committed another $ 6 billion to Pakistan with the hope that Islamabad will use its good offices with Turkey to soft pedal the Jamal Kashoggi killing. The UAE has committed another $ 3 billion.

More trouble for US­Pak ties

This will affect the shaky peace process in Afghanistan

If proof was still needed of the dysfunctional nature of the US-Pakistan relationship, it has come in spades in the past two days, both in the form of spat on Twitter between President Donald Trump and Prime Minister Imran Khan, and Washington’s reiteration of the suspension of $1.6 billion in security aid for Islamabad. Over the weekend, Mr Trump again excoriated

Pakistan for failing to act against al-Qaeda chief Osama bin Laden and for not doing a “damn thing” for the US after receiving billions of dollars in aid. His remarks were part of his criticism of Admiral William McRaven, the Navy SEAL commander who oversaw the raid that resulted in bin Laden’s killing in Pakistan. But it soon led to a very public row with Mr Khan saying that the US should make a realistic assessment of why the Taliban are stronger than before and not make Pakistan the scapegoat for its failures in Afghanistan.

Mr Trump hit back by ruling out further aid, which was followed by Mr Khan’s rejoinder that Pakistan will do what is best for its interests in the face of Mr Trump’s “false assertions”. This was followed by a US spokesman highlighting the denial of security aid since the beginning of the year. Over past decades, Pakistan’s leaders have turned a blind eye to activities of “friendly” jihadis while accepting aid from the US, including funds meant to be used to target some of those same terrorists. The US is not without fault either. For years, it ignored warnings from countries such as India about terror groups operating from Pakistan. But it is also clear Mr Trump’s tough stance, including the suspension of security aid and repeated calls for Pakistan to crack down on terrorists, hasn’t had the desired effect on Mr Khan’s government, which enjoys the complete backing of the military.

Such public spats as the one between Mr Trump and Mr Khan can only point to more trouble for the bilateral relationship, something that will have significant ramifications for the so-called peace process in Afghanistan that the US is trying to put together by reaching out to the already emboldened Taliban.