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Army Chief visits Jammu LoC areas

PTI

Jammu, March 23

Army Chief General Manoj Pande on Saturday visited Jammu-based White Knight Corps and the forward areas along the LoC here, an official statement said. According to the Army’s Additional Directorate General of Public Information, the Chief of the Army Staff was briefed by commanders about the operational preparedness and the prevailing situation.

“The COAS commended all ranks for their unwavering commitment in exhibiting high standard of professionalism and maintaining a stable and secure environment in the region,” the ADGPI said on X.


Don’t be in haste to curtail
parliamentary privileges: MANISH TEWARI

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The Hon’ble Supreme Court, vide its judg ment dated March 4, 2024, in Sita Soren vs Union of India, Crl. A No. 451 of 2019 (“Sita Soren”) has held that legislators are not protected by parlia mentary privilege inso far as prosecution on charges of bribery is con cerned. While doing so, the court overruled the majority decision in P.V. Narasimha Rao vs State (1988) 4 SCC 626 (“Narasimha”), where the court had held that it would be incorrect to whittle down the protec tive scope of Articles 105(2) and 194(2), to con form to what might seem right or reasonable. Unfortunately Parlia ment in its wisdom decid ed over its 17 terms not to codify parliamentary privileges as mandated in terms of Article 105(3) of the Constituion of India. They left the privi lages pari-passu to those enjoyed by members of the House of Commons in the United Kingdom. In the current Lok Sabha, I had moved a private member’s bill to codify the privilages. In Sita Soren, the court holds inter alia, that in order for a legislator to claim immunity she must fulfil the following twofold test: (a) that the claim is tethered or con nected to the collective functioning of the house and; (b) that the act in question is necessary for the discharge of a legisla tor’s duties. Second, the court held that bribery is not covered by the privi leges under Articles 105(2) and 194(2) even if the same were to be said to be in connection with a speech in the House or a committee. The court also noted that the poten tial of misuse against individual members is not a valid consideration as recognizing the juris diction of the court to prosecute a member of a legislature neither diminishes such poten tial misuse nor enhances it. At the outset, there can be no qualms about the Hon’ble Supreme Court holding that corruption and bribe-takers erode probity in public life. There is also no quarrel with the proposition that legislators ought to main tain the highest integrity in their work and ensure the dignity of the house, more particularly, of the people whose voices they represent. The judgment, howev er, overlooks a crucial aspect: The concept of parliamentary privileges and immunities was pro vided for in the Consti tution precisely to ensure that legislators, especial ly those who are in the minority in a particular House, are not harassed or unlawfully targeted. This is such a critical right that any indigna tion at certain stray acts or actions which demean the House ought not to lead to the whittling down of the privileges and immunities which form the bedrock of the rule of law. The judgment in Sita Sorenprimarily rests on the functionality and essentiality tests. That for parliamentary privi leges to apply, the act complained of must bear a nexus to the collective functioning of the house and also to the essential duties which a legislator is required to perform. The judgment posits that taking a bribe to vote in a legislature cannot be con sidered essential to the casting of the vote or the ability to decide on how the vote is to be cast. In Narasimha, the court was aware of the moral dilemma it faced in ensuring that parliamen tary privileges were kept intact even though the bribery allegations against the legislators therein would not be prosecuted. The court, in Narasimha, did so because it felt that parlia mentary privileges are an edifice of parliamen tary democracy and any indignation at individual acts must give way to the immunities of the House. While no one sides with bribery or corruption, which are malaises to be eliminated — however, it is crucial that while doing so we do not end up handing over a tool to the ruling dispensation (whosoever it may be at any given point of time) to create a chilling effect on legislators when they vote or debate. The poten tial of abuse is such that it could lead to the slow denudation of the very foundations of parlia mentary sovereignty. Until recently, the sancti ty of parliamentary pro ceedings provided legis lators with a safe haven to express their concerns without the Damocles’ sword of executive reprisal. However, the spectre of portentous constitutionalism looms large which the court in Sita Sorenought to have taken into consideration. Further, the object of privileges is to enable members to speak their minds in Parliament and vote without being answerable for such speech in a court of law. Members need the widest protection of immunity against all civil and crim inal proceedings that bear any nexus to their speech or vote. It is for this reason that a mem ber is not liable to any proceedings, in any court in respect of anything said or any vote given by him. It is not as if the Constitution does not provide safeguards against abuse of parlia mentary privileges by members. Indeed, Parliament has the power to exercise its privilege and punish members it deems to have violated the sancti ty of the House. The cases of H.G Mudgal to Raja Ram Pal are a testament to the use of this power by Parliament over the years. The Constitution leaves the protection of the dignity of Parliament to Parliament itself. It’s not hard to imagine a scenario where a mem ber, after delivering a speech or casting a vote that displeases those in power, finds themselves facing prosecution. The charges could allege their involvement in an agree ment or conspiracy to influence parliamentary outcomes, in exchange for a bribe. Votes and speeches within any leg islative body typically pertain to issues champi oned by the ruling party. Consequently, every rul ing party harbours a nat ural inclination to dimin ish Opposition voices, or at the very least, instil a sense of trepidation among dissenting legisla tors. And by the time the courts decide on the validity and legality of the allegations, the con cerned member would be out of House and miss voting and speaking on matters of great public importance. It is this potential mis chief which the Hon’ble Court ought to have con sidered that, in my respectful submission, is the sole fault with the judgment in Sita Soren. It is my solemn hope that the judgment is read in its letter and spirit and not used to create a chill ing effect on the freedom of speech of parliamen tarians and legislators. The only saving grace now would be a robust conflict of interest decler ation process mandated by a law of Parliament that should completely indemnify members in case there is any vindic tive persecution because of malicious intent. The writer is a lawyer, MP and former Union information and broadcast ing minister. Twitter handle @manishtewari.


Rescue op in the sea

Shining example of India’s maritime prowess

Rescue op in the sea

THE joint efforts made by the Indian Air Force (IAF) and the Indian Navy to free the merchant vessel MV Ruen from pirates in the Arabian Sea recently are a shining example of effective maritime security measures and inter-service collaboration. The successful operation saw the IAF’s C-17 heavy-lift aircraft execute a precision airborne drop of two combat boats and the Navy’s MARCOS commandos. Despite the hostile conditions, the IAF’s swift response and delivery played a crucial role in backing the Navy. This resulted in the surrender of 35 pirates and the release of the vessel and its crew. The proactive stance of the Navy, supported by the deployment of warships like INS Kolkata and INS Subhadra, demonstrates India’s readiness to safeguard global trade routes.

This isn’t the first time the Navy has showcased its capabilities in combating piracy. Over the years, it has undertaken a number of successful operations, including the rescue of the MV Suez in 2011 and thwarting piracy attempts in the Gulf of Aden in 2017. These actions not only protect the interests of the shipping industry but also contribute to international efforts towards maintaining peace and security at sea.

The Navy’s approach is in line with international conventions such as the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), which provides the legal framework for combating piracy and ensuring the safety of navigation in international waters. By adhering to the UNCLOS and collaborating with global partners, India has reaffirmed its commitment to upholding maritime law and order and cemented its place as the first responder on the high seas. As piracy continues to pose a threat to shipping trade, India’s timely operations serve as a model for other nations.


Indian Ocean Outreach: The Navy enhances its capabilities

In the first week of March itself, the Indian Navy has seen a string of capability additions, catering to the immediate and long-term maritime objectives. The rapid progress sends positive signals, but challenges remain
Indian Ocean Outreach: The Navy enhances its capabilities

Ajay Banerjee

THE enhancement of the Indian Navy’s capabilities, announced in the first week of March, signals an expansion matching New Delhi’s strategic aspirations in the Indian Ocean. It is also an indication of India’s immediate and long-term maritime objectives.

The recently commiss-ioned MH-60R helicopter.

Karwar in northern Karnataka got a major infrastructure boost and is now the biggest naval base of the country. The latest technology-capable submarine-hunting helicopters, the MH-60R, were commissioned at Kochi. A new base, INS Jatayu, got commissioned at Minicoy in Lakshadweep. It sits close to the ‘9 degree shipping channel’, the busiest sea route to Europe and the Middle East in its westerly direction and China, Japan, Korea, among others, to its east.

INS Vikramaditya at Karwar jetty.

Amid this, the Navy carried out simultaneous copter and jet flying operations from both aircraft carriers — the INS Vikramaditya and INS Vikrant — for Defence Minister Rajnath Singh to assess the readiness. Twin-carrier operations have been done in the past, the most recent being in June last year. However, this time, INS Vikrant has been fully integrated with the rest of the fleet and its final flight integration is being done.

Also, after June last year, the Vikrant underwent a re-fit and re-started sailing in January. Medium-range surface-to-air missiles Barak-8 and MF-STAR (multi-function surveillance, track and guidance radar) have been fitted. The MF-STAR detects airborne threats like aircraft, anti-ship missiles and cruise missiles; the Barak-8 missile can shoot these at ranges of 80 km or more.

Twin-carrier operations underway in the Arabian Sea on March 5.

Expansion of Karwar base

Called Project Seabird, it is spread across 25 km and is being carried out in phases. The first phase was designed to accommodate 10 ships and it concluded in 2011. Phase II-A was okayed by the Cabinet Committee on Security in December 2012 to allow berthing of 32 ships and submarines, along with 23 yardcraft.

On March 5, Defence Minister Rajnath Singh, among other things, opened a 550-metre-long pier — that juts out into sea — to allow both aircraft carriers to berth at the same time at Karwar.

Defence Minister Rajnath Singh witnesses operations mid-sea.

The INS Vikramaditya and INS Vikrant are the biggest warships in the fleet, each weighing close to 50,000 tonnes. The Vikramaditya is 284 metres long while the Vikrant is 262 metres long. The warships need a specific depth of water near the coast, while the length of the jetty and the pier needs to match their sizes when they dock for routine maintenance.

So far, Karwar had the facility to take in one carrier. The Cochin Shipyard has a facility to berth another carrier, but that is not a naval facility.

Vice Admiral Ravneet Singh (retd), former Deputy Chief of the Navy, who was Director General of Project Seabird for almost two years from 2018, says, “Things have made rapid progress. This is the biggest base for the Navy and will be its third operational base on the west coast.”

Phase II-A has a berthing space for ships and submarines that is collectively about 6 km in length. These jetties have technical facilities, electrical substations, switch gears and support utilities.

The latest Scorpene submarines will get a covered jetty to prevent enemy satellites from seeing how many subs are at base and how many are out at sea. A similar covered jetty exists on the east coast at Visakhapatnam.

Among the facets at Karwar is a covered dry berth, standing at a height of 75 metres, taller than the Qutub Minar in Delhi, and spread over 33,000 square metres to facilitate simultaneous maintenance of four frontline ships.

Phase II-A will also have four townships encompassing residential accommodation, with about 10,000 dwelling units for officers, sailors and civilian staff. The hospital is being upgraded to have 400 beds.

“The upcoming greenfield dual-use Naval Air Station with a 2.7-km runway will provide air support to the Navy aircraft and facilitate operations of commercial aviation,” adds Admiral Ravneet Singh.

The Navy hopes to ink its contract in a year and plans to have a fully operational airfield in four years.

About 90 per cent of the materials and equipment are being sourced from within the country. The project’s execution involves Indian infrastructure leaders such as AECOM India Ltd, Larsen & Toubro, ITD Cementation India Ltd, Nagarjuna Construction Company, Navayuga Engineering Company Ltd and Shapoorji Pallonji Group.

The latest copters

Indian Navy’s first MH-60R squadron has been commissioned as INAS 334 ‘Seahawks’ at INS Garuda, Kochi. This brings transformational anti-submarine (ASW) and anti-surface warfare (ASuW) capabilities to the Indian Navy. China has a fleet of some 60 such under-sea submarines that often trawl the Indian Ocean.

The helicopters would widen the arc of Navy’s capabilities, extending its operational reach. Vice Admiral Biswajit Dasgupta (retd), a former Eastern Navy Commander, says, “The helicopters will substantially enhance the combat power of our fleets in the coming days. They are of proven design and will become the mainstay of the Navy’s ship-borne air operations across warfare domains such as anti-submarine warfare, anti-ship warfare and surveillance, besides other lower-end roles.”

The copter uses a performance-based logistics programme for the US Navy which enables 95 per cent flight readiness and availability of the copter — a rate unmatched by other maritime helicopters. The US Navy and its allies use the same copter. Secondary roles for the copter include naval surface fire support, medical evacuation, search and rescue, logistics, special warfare, intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance.

MH-60R is built based on four decades of operational experience of US company Lockheed Martin. India and the US signed a 24-copter contract in February 2020 at a cost of nearly Rs 14,000 crore under the framework of foreign military sales. All 24 helicopters are scheduled for delivery by 2025.

The helicopter is the maritime variant of the Blackhawk helicopter used by US forces. The Blackhawk was famously used by the US in an air raid in May 2011 to kill Osama bin Laden in Abbottabad, Pakistan.

Upgrade over Kamov

The Indian Navy, so far, is using the Russian origin Kamov-28 copters for anti-submarine roles. The Kamov is more than three decades’old technology but is equipped with torpedoes, depth charges and the copters have been with the Navy for almost 25 years.

Comparing the MH-60R with Kamov-28, Admiral Ravneet Singh says, “As compared to MH-60R, the Kamov, in its present configuration, lags behind in operational effectiveness as its equipment now falls under vintage technology. The Kamov, due to its size and weight, can be operated from very limited frontline ships. The availability of spares and the maintenance have been a challenge. It does not have the capability to dunk sonars at sea at night, which is a big capability gap.”

The technical life extension of the Kamov is being done in Russia and it’s being upgraded with an advanced maritime mission suite being added in India. The modernisation package includes the integration of advanced mission systems, sensors and avionics, anti-ship missiles as well as other weapons and also sonar dunking ability at night.

Watching shipping lanes

The Minicoy Island is the southern-most island of Lakshadweep, situated at a distance of 398 km south-west of Kochi. The Minicoy sits south of the 9 degree shipping channel. Maldives is just 130 km further south of Minicoy.

The INS Jatayu, that was commissioned by Navy Chief Admiral R Hari Kumar, has advanced surveillance capabilities. New jetties, an airfield and BrahMos supersonic cruise missiles are to be added.

The BrahMos missiles, with their latest versions being able to strike 500 km away, will enhance India’s ability to deter potential threats and safeguard vital shipping lanes.

The establishment of a naval base at Minicoy will augment connectivity with the mainland, focusing on comprehensive development of the islands.

Bolster maritime security

Development of our islands for maritime security should have been done decades ago. The US and France have strong island bases like Hawaii and Reunion, respectively. If India does not strengthen the Andaman and Nicobar Islands manifold and rapidly develop Lakshadweep and Minicoy to bolster maritime security, it would be throwing away the strategic advantage bestowed by geography. Vice Admiral Biswajit Dasgupta (Retd)

Admiral Dasgupta says, “We must bring with it a rapid development of staging or turnaround facilities for naval ships and aircraft. Only then will it provide benefits in terms of forward surveillance, presence and extended reach.”

Customarily, Indian Navy’s air stations are named after birds of prey. So one would expect an airfield to come up in quick time at Minicoy, that will allow the Navy to operate its patrol and remotely-piloted aircraft, avers Admiral Dasgupta.

How MH-60R functions

  • The fully-integrated mission system processes data from onboard sensors to build a complete situational picture of the ocean surface and under-sea.
  • The knowledge available to the pilots enables tackling the threat.
  • It can dunk a sonar into sea and scan underwater presence of submarines.
  • The crew can track, target and engage ships or submarines.
  • Weapons include torpedo and air-to-ground missiles like ‘Hellfire’.
  • Pilots are equipped with night-vision goggles for night flying. During daytime, the display for the pilot is readable despite sunlight.
  • Advanced digital sensors provide warning against approaching missiles, location of enemy radars.
  • Electro-optical and infrared camera will use secure data links to provide real-time imagery to base stations and warships.

Election to 18th Lok Sabha election begins in 102 seats across 21 states and UTson April 19 followed by subsequent phases on April 26, May 7, May 13, May 20, May 25 and June 1

New Delhi, March 20

Lok Sabha Election Dates 2024: Voting to Start On April 19, Counting on June 4
Lok Sabha Elections 2024 to be held in 7 phases. Voting for first phase on April 19, results to be declared on June 4: CEC Rajiv Kumar

The nomination process for 102 parliamentary constituencies spread across 21 states and Union territories, where polling would be held in the first phase of the Lok Sabha elections on April 19, began on Wednesday with the issuance of a notification.

May be an image of map and text that says "Lok Sabha Election 2024 543 Constituencies Counting on June 4 Phase 1: April 19 Phase 2: April 26 Phase 3: May7 Phase 4: May 13 Phase 5: May 20 Phase 6: May 25 Phase 7፡ June 1 жO THEHINDU"

According to the notification issued by the Election Commission on behalf of the President, the last date for filing nomination papers is March 27.

However, due to a festival, March 28 is the last date for filing nominations for the Lok Sabha seats in Bihar going to polls in the first phase. Voting in four out of 40 seats in Bihar will be held in the first phase.

Nomination papers will be scrutinised on March 28. For Bihar, it would be done on March 30.

The last date for withdrawal of candidature is March 20 while for Bihar, it is April 2.

The elections to the 18th Lok Sabha will begin on April 19 followed by subsequent phases on April 26, May 7, May 13, May 20, May 25 and June 1. The counting of votes is on June 4.

The states where polling would be held in the first phase are Arunachal Pradesh, Assam, Bihar, Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Rajasthan, Tamil Nadu, Uttar Pradesh, West Bengal, Jammu and Kashmir, Lakshadweep and Puducherry.


E is a deadly letter.BRIG IM SINGH

Ever since the Electoral Bond story has exposed the role of law enforcement agencies in targeting corporates and forcing them to invest in EBs I’ve been wondering is there a parallel anywhere in the world

Then it came to my mind that a parallel extortion business is also in the news. The gangsters sitting abroad threatening rich people to pay. Some also operate from Indian jails. And some of these gangsters sitting abroad, are at times branded terrorists.. But they gave an idea to emulate.

I think the business of extortion has been learnt by our law enforcement agencies from these gangsters. ED played biggest role in this extortion. No wonder the previous Director ED was given many extensions. Probably because this was his brainchild. So ED gave an official platform to the EBs. You can call EB Electoral Bonds or Extortion Bonds and wow, ED too has an E as the first letter in it’s name. Now you can call this E whatever you want.


VETERAN OFFICER WRITES TO PM SEEKING JUSTICE FOR HIS DAUGHTER WHO WAS MURDERED AS PB POLICE OR GOVT FAILED

To:
Hon’ble Prime Minister India
Shri Narendra Modi Ji
7, Lok Kalyan Marg, New Delhi-110011 3rd March 2024

Respected Sir,

Subject Petition for Two Murder Investigations. ‘Conspiracy of Double-Murder’ in Food & Drug Administration Office at Kharar, District SAS Nagar (Mohali) in Punjab on 29.3.2019; For ten thousand crore rupees Scam by Embezzlement of 150 crore(till date) Buprenorphine Tablets. Neha Shoree, Drug Licensing Authority cum-Punjab State Flying Squad Head; was murdered in her Office Seat at 11:33 AM. Her planted killer was also murdered within the next two minutes.

1.We submit that a double murder plan was executed by the Drug Mafia with the support of Punjab Civil Administration. A peddler Balwinder Singh of Morinda was identified & planted for murder of Ms. Neha Shoree. On 10.3.2019, the Election Commission had imposed the Model Code of Conduct for 17th Lok Sabha Elections, i.e., on Sunday. Balwinder Singh had been hired for murder of Neha Shoree. He was granted Revolver License & Ammunition illegally, and on 12.3.2019 after the imposition of Model Code; for murder of Neha Shoree: a topper and meritorious Lady Officer.
2.The Drug Mafia was making a huge profit of thousands of crores of rupees by selling Buprenorphine Naloxone tablets and many other Drugs at exorbitant prices to the youth in Punjab. During 2017, her controller, Joint Commissioner (Drugs) Mr. Pardeep Mattoo; instructed Neha Shoree to check the drugs proliferation and particularly, the Drug De-addiction Centers for tablets’ pilferage for sales outside. He asked her to assist the visiting Center’s Teams in their inspections of the De-addiction Centers. Neha Shoree pointed at embezzlement of Buprenorphine Naloxone tablets by regular pilferage from about 800 registered De-addiction Centers & OOAT clinics, and from thousands of private unregistered centers & village shops. She apprised Mr. Mattoo about the Drug Menace in detail. As directed by him, she submitted her investigation report in writing to Mr. Mattoo with complete details on the functioning of Sidhu De-addiction Center at Kharar. Politicians perceived Neha Shoree as an impediment in their commercial and electoral gains from Drugs’ Businesses during the impending Lok Sabha elections. Mr. Mattoo, in collusion with the authorities in power connived for Ms. Neha Shoree’s murder in her Office Seat.
3.DGP of Punjab formed four SITs in a short span of twelve days. We immensely cooperated with all the SITs of Punjab Police. But all along, we were misled; kept in dark and deceived. We provided password details of our daughter’s iPhone to the SIT: only to discover later that the data of her iPhone had been deleted. SIT took out its SIM card and did not return it with her iPhone. Forensics of Cyber and Ballistic reports were abnormally delayed. (Forensic expert’s examinations started after a delay of 103 days, Ballistic started after 131 days and Cyber examination started after 41 days: and only to obliterate the leftover proofs, if any). All investigations were botched-up despite our relentless & vigorous co-operation, and follow-up. Four months after our Petition to HHC on 07.11.2019, the SIT supplied its investigation report to us on 24.02.2020. SIT had surreptitiously closed it in January 2020, i.e., ten months after the two Murders: as untraced. SIT gave us its report on 24.2.2020, i.e., eleven months after this Double-Murder. SIT’s report is Blank.
4.Neha Shoree was shot dead in her office seat in less than ten seconds. Balwinder Singh was shot dead at a distance of 120 yards within two minutes of murdering Neha Shoree. This Double-Murder operation was extraordinarily swift due to prior elaborate planning with precision.
5.Since Nov 2019, our petition No. CRM-M-48105/2019 is lurking in Hon’ble P&H High Court. Technically, the petition is not sub-judice because no FIR is existing; and nor HHC has given any orders for registration of the FIR since January 2020. We humbly request that Honorable Courts may kindly avoid partiality and discrimination in the Justice systems and its delivery to the common Citizens. All authorities of the Nation are evading responsibility under the misnomer of sub-judice, which has thwarted the Justice itself.
6.We humbly request your honor to order for two separate investigations into these two murders by the CBI, and by the other relevant &Constitutionally mandated Central Agencies which deal with the crimes related to Drugs: and the crimes related to the Security of our border States. We attach a copy of the letter dated 16.4.2019 of the then Health Minister Shri Brahm Mohindra to the then Chief Minister, Capt. Amarinder Singh for your perusal.
7.Neha Shoree has orphaned her (then) two years old baby girl.
8.We humbly request your honor for Justice.

Thanking you in anticipation

Yours sincerely

Captain (Retd)Kailash Kumar Shoree (Father of the deceased, 1971 War Veteran) Mob-8146668502.
Mrs. Arun Shoree (Mother of the deceased, retired teacher) Mobile No-7087400392.
Residence #267, Sector-12, Panchkula-134112. (0172-4084267)


PETITION ” CATASTROPHIC:FAILURE OF SPARSH

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1/8 CGDA Confirmed Pensioners Data in SPARSH Mapped from Legacy PPO. Post Retirement Data Not Available in SPARSH

No ESM Org is coming forward to Approach Authorities to Resolve the Issues in SPARSH. As a Lt Col, Alone I am ZERO. Cooperation of Each One of You is SOLICITED. May I Request as your Brethren to Retweet to the Maximum. Forward this Tweet to All of your Veterans Groups with Request to them to RETWEET & Show our Sufferings. More Number of Veterans Joining Me in this Campaign can only bring Positive Results. CHOICE IS ENTIRELY OURS. Looking forward to your Cooperation please. Warm regards.. Lt Col RK Bhardwaj (Retd)


A success story of the indigenous kind

A success story of the indigenous kind

Gp Capt JS Boparai (retd)

BACK in August 1999, in the aftermath of the Kargil War, the IAF decided to induct low-altitude indigenous radar systems called INDRA (Indian Doppler Radar)-Mk II at one of its premier bases. One afternoon, the Station Commander summoned me to his office. I had barely sat down when he pushed a file towards me and said: ‘Look, this is a piece of paper. Now you have to make a unit out of it as the CO of the first INDRA-II radar of the IAF. All the best. Get going.’

The significance of the responsibility gradually dawned on me. While packing up in the evening, I could see around a dozen Tatra vehicles with mounted antennas and associated systems streaming through the main gate. I had mixed feelings: I was happy to don the new role but wary because I did not know much about the magnitude of the task ahead.

In the next three to four days, I could ascertain the challenges — locating the new systems inside open areas, finding temporary office spaces, pursuing cases for posting of trained manpower, operationalisation for rugged mobility, confirming the technical viability of the new systems that were lying unused with Bharat Electronics Limited, Ghaziabad (BE GAD), for quite a while and equipping them with self-sufficient administrative infrastructure for smooth deployment in remote and inhospitable terrain close to the borders.

Slowly but surely, things started falling into place. BE GAD teams started coming for a technical evaluation to gauge the stated capabilities of the systems and undertaking system modifications as per the Air Force requirements. Manpower started trickling in. Training courses by BE GAD commenced. Administration infrastructure and logistical support came slowly with excellent support from the station to the unit-in-the-making. Soon, the Air Officer Commanding-in-Chief (AOC-in-C) arrived to review the progress on the ground. To recreate a real field set-up, a briefing for him was planned in a tent with the use of white chalk or black Rexine charts hung on a blackboard stand. I was told that the AOC-in-C would not spare more than 10 minutes. On D-Day, the AOC-in-C, accompanied by the Station Commander, was duly ushered in. I walked up to the front for permission to start. ‘No, you can’t start,’ retorted the AOC-in-C, leaving everybody red-faced.

Before I could react, the AOC-in-C lifted the chair next to him, placing it across the table in front. He directed me to that chair: ‘Young man, this is one-to-one with you. Tell me quickly how I can help.’ Gathering my wits, I shared my take on the new format. I listed the glitches one by one. He replied: ‘Yeh Bharatiya hai, apna hai. Test rigorously, improve or improvise to prove it and hold its hand. As the man in the field, you count the most in making it a success story.’ The AOC-in-C gave a clear mandate. The station and the unit never looked back thereafter, honouring the AOC-in-C’s words and vision, overcoming all teething troubles and rolling out a robust system.


Agni V test a high, but challenges remain

Indigenisation of military inventory is an arduous endeavour for a developing nation

Agni V test a high, but challenges remain

C Uday Bhaskar

Director, Society for Policy Studies

INDIA carried out a successful Agni V missile test with MIRV (multiple independently targetable re-entry vehicle) capability on March 11. This is a commendable achievement. Kudos to the missile division of the Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO). With this demonstration of MIRV capability, India has joined a select band of nations — the US, Russia, France, UK and China — that can launch intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs) of 5,000 km-plus range. MIRV capability implies that a single warhead can carry multiple nuclear warheads and each of them can strike separate targets at different locations.

The distinctive feature of MIRV capability is that it degrades anti-ballistic missile defences.

Such a capability was first acquired by the US in the 1970s during the Cold War and subsequently by the erstwhile USSR (now Russia); the other three nuclear powers followed suit. The distinctive feature of MIRV capability is that it degrades anti-ballistic missile defences and has significant and complex implications for deterrence stability.

China acquired MIRV capability in 2015. There is a certain inevitability about the manner in which a major power moves up the techno-strategic ladder of weapons of mass destruction (WMD) capabilities. China became a nuclear power in October 1964 and India, after some reluctance, in May 1998.

After the disintegration of the USSR and the emergence of the US as the global hegemon, Beijing resolutely invested in acquiring trans-border military capability; the WMD domain received special attention. Seeking MIRV capability is part of this quest. Inasmuch as China seeks to assuage its WMD insecurity in relation to the US in the strategic arena, this element unfolds at a different level in relation to China and India and the Agni V MIRV test is part of this geopolitical trajectory.

However the major difference is that the two Asian giants are neighbours and share a 4,000-km land border. Furthermore, they have an unresolved territorial dispute with troops facing each other, and the ground situation in certain sectors is tense.

The Indian missile programme acquired visible traction in the early 1980s under then PM Indira Gandhi’s stewardship. This was an extraordinary accomplishment by the DRDO at a time when India was under a severe technology denial regime imposed by the US. Beginning with the modest Prithvi series, the IGMDP (integrated guided missile programme) has now added the nascent MIRV-capable Agni V to the Indian WMD arsenal. This capability will have a significant impact on regional WMD stability apropos of the China-India-Pakistan relationship.

In an unintended coincidence, even as India is celebrating the MIRV success, the annual report of SIPRI (Stockholm International Peace Research Institute) noted that India remained the world’s largest importer of arms. The March 2024 report has observed that India’s arms imports increased by 4.7 per cent between 2014-18 and 2019-23.

The gist of the latest SIPRI report is no different from what was highlighted in 2023 — that India is at the top of the arms importer list globally. The 2023 report noted that “with an 11 percent share of the total global arms imports, India was the world’s biggest importer of major arms in 2018-22, a position it has held for the 1993-2022 period.”

This reality check is contrary to the perception that India has acquired a credible degree of self-reliance (atmanirbharta) in its military inventory and that it is also a major arms exporter. The assertions made in this regard by Defence Minister Rajnath Singh are illustrative.

What explains this dichotomy wherein the DRDO’s missile programme has been a visible success but there is little in the conventional arms spectrum that can be applauded as significantly contributing to the indigenous effort? A caveat must be added that slender verticals in surveillance and communication equipment have been success stories, but these are exceptions in the less-than-flattering macro track record of the DRDO.

It is a matter of shame that over the past 50 years, while India has made significant progress in the WMD domain (missiles, nuclear weapons and nuclear propulsion), indigenisation of the conventional military inventory continues to have bleak prospects. From a personal weapon (rifle) to the larger artillery gun, tanks and combat aircraft, the scorecard is dismal. The political apex, the military brass, the defence bureaucracy and the government scientists are all culpable for this morass. The ecosystem they have nurtured encourages arms imports.

The DRDO has been the subject of numerous reviews by redoubtable domain experts, from former President APJ Abdul Kalam (who led the missile programme during his DRDO years) to Vijay Kelkar, Palle Rama Rao and Naresh Chandra, but there has been no tangible improvement in the output of the DRDO. Many claims of high-octane successes have been made over the past five years, but they fall in the 90-10 matrix — a modest 10 per cent success has been inflated and projected in the public domain as being 90 per cent and world-class. Some initiatives have been taken to infuse dynamism into the moribund indigenous defence R&D and production sector, but they remain aspirational and may be described as earnest, work-in-progress efforts.

The national security challenges for the next government will be daunting, but one tenet merits repetition: when it comes to matters of national security, electoral compulsions should not muddy the domain and create invalid or counter-factual narratives.

Indigenisation of the military inventory is an arduous endeavour for a developing nation; there will be numerous setbacks. The recent crash of a Tejas fighter aircraft is a case in point. The remedy lies not in obfuscation but in an objective review of failures and finding the optimal way ahead, with a much higher degree of institutional integrity and professional competence to the atmanirbharta quest than what has been the chequered experience of the past four decades.