Monthly Archives: August 2018

London, October 27

Pakistan remains a breeding ground and supporter of global terrorism and is responsible for three times the terror risk to humanity that Syria poses, says a study. The report titled “Humanity at Risk — Global Terror Threat Indicant (GTTI)” was published by Oxford University and Strategic Foresight Group (SFG).

According to the GTTI, while the Afghan Taliban and the Lashkar-e-Taibba  pose the maximum threat to international security, Pakistan is placed on top of the list of countries with the highest number of terrorist bases and safe havens.

“If we look at the most dangerous terrorist groups, based on hard facts and statistics, we find that Pakistan hosts or aids majority of them. Also, there are a significant number of groups based in Afghanistan, which operate with the support of Pakistan,” the report says.

The report, which has been prepared to discuss the challenges for the next decade, presents an analytical framework and tool to enable policy makers to look into the future. “The rise of competitive extremism of all shades, misuse of weapons of mass destruction and economic disruptions can undermine human progress or even survival in the period from now until 2030. They are all interlinked with terrorism,” it said.

The SFG, which analysed 200 groups  involved in terror acts, said the factor influencing the future of terror groups would be the support they get from states, intelligence agencies and criminal networks. — Agencies

Our Correspondent
Anantnag, October 19

An army major and eight jawans were injured in an Improvised Explosive Device (IED) blast in south Kashmir’s Pulwama district late on Thursday, officials said.

An army Casper vehicle was targeted with an IED blast and was followed by firing by the militants at Trichal village at around 9.15 pm.

“The blast left nine soldiers injured,” a police officer said.

Soon after the attack, the area was cordoned off and searches were conducted by security forces to trace the militants.

The Casper vehicle which came under attack belonged to 55 RR of the Army and was targeted on the Lassipora-Pulwama road.

On this week’s Walk The Talk, Shekhar Gupta catches up with soldier, diplomat and academician Zameer Uddin Shah.

Shekhar Gupta (SG): Hello, and welcome to Walk The Talk. I am Shekhar Gupta and my guest today is General Zameer Uddin Shah, one of the most illustrious officers of the Indian Army. Better dressed than most people, better dressed than me, which is easy, but better dressed than most people.

Somebody who, in his memoirs, has called himself the ‘sarkari musalman’.

General Shah: Well, I am not a sarkari musalman. But I have named my memoirs The Sarkari Musalman because it is a sobriquet or a title given by the Muslim community to people who are generally government servants, when they don’t care about illegitimate demands of the community.

SG: Or stereotypes.

General Shah: Or stereotypes. That is one type. My father was called one (sarkari musalman) when he tried to implement reforms at the dargah in Ajmer. I had the fortune of meeting some young boys when I was a second lieutenant. And I tried to convince them to opt for the armed forces as a career.

SG: Muslim boys?

General Shah: Muslim boys from the Aligarh Muslim University riding club. They had come to the IMA (Indian Military Academy) to participate. And I told them the honour and glory of wearing the uniform. I also told them that we need horsemen.

Then, at the end of the talk, I asked them, how many of you want to opt for the Army. Not a single person opted. They said, “Janaab, aap to sarkari musalman hain.”

It meant that I was a government stooge trying to push the government’s agenda. So that stuck to me, and I said if I ever write a book, I’ll call it The Sarkari Musalman. But I am not one.

SG: But have times changed since then? Have young Muslims given up their suspicion of working for the government, or working for an institution like the Army, or does a lot of it still continue?

General Shah: No, I think there has been a quantum improvement. When I joined the NDA (National Defence Academy), I was the lone Muslim in my corps of 200 cadets. I am told that in one of the batches, there were 10 Muslim cadets which is a very positive sign.

Muslims, this is our country, and they too owe a responsibility for the defence of the country. So, I think it’s a healthy sign.

SG: Lt General Ata Hasnain has written for us, in fact, starting this debate that more and more Muslims should look at the Army as a career, specially officers.

General Shah: I agree.

SG: Did you feel a sense of discrimination, or did you feel like a trophy since you were the only Muslin in your batch?

General Shah: Nobody knew that I was a Muslim. At the National Defence Academy, you are given nicknames. Mine was carried by my schoolmates: Zoom Shah.

SG: Sounds like a very trendy one today.

‘No discrimination’

General Shah: You know, the nick name was not linked to any religion, caste, creed or anything like that. It was on some peculiar characteristic. For people who had protruding teeth, they are called ‘dentist’. You know, things like that. So, it was a name given to me.

And let me tell you that I faced no discrimination and I am not being a hypocrite.

SG: Which year was this, sir?

General Shah: I joined the National Defence Academy in 1964. I was 15 and a half years old. I tried to sprout a moustache to look older. And not only did I not face any discrimination, I faced affirmative action. One day, one of my coursemates, in jest, called me katua.

SG: Katua is a pejorative for Muslims.

General Shah: So, the rest of my coursemates got after him and said don’t ever say that again. So, that’s the sort of attitude that encouraged me and I was very enthused with this response.

SG: And you got it from top officers also?

General Shah: Absolutely.

SG: Was there ever any suspicion, “ki isko mat batao (Don’t tell him)”.

General Shah: Never. I was the operational officer in a division at Hussainiwala opposite Pakistan post 71. I was privy to everything. I was in the military secretary’s branch. I was the deputy chief. I mean I was privy to every national secret. There was never a time that I was told, General Shah, you go and play golf. While we are discussing, you go and… never anything like that.

SG: During the time of Operation Parakram, you were commanding a strike division that was poised to strike deep if need be. A key division.

General Shah: That’s right. And the very fact that my division was, since we were not committed on the ground, a strike division, I was tasked to lead the formation.

I was told later by General Padmanabhan, who was the chief (in my book, I have not given his name), that there were misgivings. I never felt anything. The Army, when asked, said, “We have not sent a Muslim General; we have sent the commander of the force that is committed”. And I thought that was a very good way of looking at it.

SG: So, you mean misgivings in the sense that people raised questions about the Army sending a Muslim General.

General Shah: Absolutely.

SG: But the fact is you just happened to be commanding a division that could be deployed there.

General Shah: Absolutely. The Army makes no distinction of religion, race, colour or creed. It is the commanding officer that is commanding the formation who commands.

SG: And you were in the reserve, whereas the division based in Ahmedabad was not available.

General Shah: I was in the reserve. They (division in Ahmedabad) were holding formation; they were deployed holding the border.

SG: So, what happened when you came to Ahmedabad?

General Shah: I was given the warning order by the chief personally on the evening of 28 February 2002. He just spoke to me for two minutes. He said, Zoom, get your formation in Gujarat and curb the riots. I told him, “Sir, it will take us two days”.

SG: Your formation was used to cavalry and mechanised forces.

General Shah: Well, it was a strike formation.

SG: If I do remember correctly, during General Sundarji’s time, it was earmarked to be an air assault formation. Helicopters never came.

General Shah: That’s correct. At various times, it was an amphibious division and other things. But it is a very potent division. I am very proud to have commanded it.

SG: And what happened once you were there?

General Shah: So I told him (the chief). He said, “Don’t worry. Get to Jodhpur air field. The Air Force will lay it on.” They did. Sixty flights. The complete resources of the Air Force were mobilised to move. I left immediately.

SG: So, 60 transport planes?

General Shah: Well, 60 flights. Maybe fewer planes. Sixty sorties. They were ferrying us the whole night. They were ferrying us from Jodhpur to Ahmedabad. When we flew in, I saw the whole city aflame. There were fires burning everywhere. The air field was deserted. It was dark. We landed and the deputy of the holding formation met me. He had been sent down to receive me. And I had been told that you will get all the resources you need. The resources we required was transport because we couldn’t carry them. Maps, magistrates.

SG: Because this was not AFSPA. You were in aid to civil power. So, you needed magistrates even to open fire.

General Shah: Yes, we needed that. Although a military officer, if he feels the situation (demands it), even if the magistrate is not there, he can fire. But then he needs to explain that. So, I asked Brigadier Mehra, where are the resources? He said the state government is providing it.

So, I asked for the chief secretary. He said he is abroad. So, I said, who is officiating? He gave me a number. I tried to call it, but there was no response. I decided that the only way to get things done was to go to the chief minister. I asked for a guide and I reached the chief minister’s office at 2 in the morning on 1 March 2002.

There, to my great relief, was defence minister George Fernandes. He was having a late dinner with the chief minister.

SG: Mr Narendra Modi.

General Shah: Yes. So, I had carried a tourist map because we didn’t have maps of Ahmedabad.

SG: And there were no Google maps, no Siri.

General Shah: On a tourist map of Gujarat, we plotted the trouble spots.

The assignment the Army hates

SG: I think the maps you had memorised were somewhere near the Multan sector.

General Shah: Quite right. That was working in our mind. You know, all these things I had completely forgotten. And let me tell you it’s a task that is abhorred by the Army. We don’t like to be committed to civil situations. Because they are our own nationals, they are our own citizens. And then one is to take action against them.

So, I was assured that they (the resources) would come. So I went back, received all the troops. They were large numbers, six battalions were flown in.

SG: That means, if I can take this question forward, maybe I am taking it too far. Did you get a sense that the central government had shown its keenness moving a strike division in that crucial time when Op Parakram was on, in giving you 60 sorties of the Air Force to move you there? But then you hit a wall with the state government?

General Shah: See, that would be a political statement. I think it was an administrate failure basically because of the chief secretary…

SG: I didn’t suggest, I am not going so far as to say it was deliberate.

General Shah: It was an administrative failure. The chief secretary should have been there, the officiating chief secretary should have ensured that the wherewithal for us to move into the city and all over Gujarat should have been positioned. But it wasn’t. On the morning of 2nd, Mr George Fernandes visited us at the air field.

SG: So, what happened when you reached the chief minister’s home at 2 am?

General Shah: Well, he welcomed me. He was very warm. Both showed great relief. So, I said,Saab, troops aane vaale hain, main first flight mein aaya hun (Sir, the troops are about to come. I took the first flight here).

Luckily, I had taken my vehicle and communications. So, we shared something to eat. I moved back with the assurance that things will be provided. They were ultimately provided on 2nd morning. Mr George Fernandes came to us at about at about 10 o’clock on 2nd morning.

SG: So, all of 1 March, you were just sitting.

General Shah: We were just sitting.

SG: And George Fernandes was in Ahmedabad?

General Shah: Did I say 2nd. No, he visited on the morning of 1 March.

SG: What did he say then?

General Shah: He said, you must ensure fair play; you must make sure that the message goes home that the Army has been deployed. And whatever is your requirement, we will make it up. He left after that. The transport started rolling in on the second. And we deployed.

SG: If you had been deployed on the first itself, would it have saved some lives?

General Shah: Of course, it would have saved one day of rioting.

‘A profound mistake’

SG: And did you ask people, did you reflect on it as to what happened, why did it happen? Was it deliberate, was it not deliberate?

General Shah: I did speak to a lot of people. There was a rift even in police. I was getting different versions of what actually happened. I didn’t take it. But I do know that, firstly, what made everybody angry was bringing the bodies of the karsevaks from Godhra to Ahmedabad. That inflamed passions. I think, again, it was an administrative failure, a decision that shouldn’t have been taken.

If that had not been done, probably the people wouldn’t have been so inflamed. I mean anybody would get inflamed.

SG: Was it a mistake, was it deliberate?

General Shah: I’ll not say that. I’ll not comment. I would say it’s a mistake. But you can draw your own inference from it.

SG: Would you presume it’s a mistake or would you say that the evidence of what you saw or heard suggests to you it was a mistake.

General Shah: I’ll not comment on that.

SG: You’d rather believe that it was a mistake.

General Shah: I would like to think that the leader of a state or the administrative machinery of a state did not do it deliberately. They did it as a mistake, a profound mistake.

SG: Did you find the state administration paralysed?

General Shah: Well, police was parochial, partial…

SG: Communal?

General Shah: Communal. Totally communal. The home guards, I won’t say anything. The bulk of the communards were members of Right-wing organisations.

SG: Home guards battalions?

General Shah: Home guards. They were actual participants in the rioting. I wrote that in my report. Police was non-committal. In fact, it was in the news that minority policemen who had homes in the police lines, they were burnt. So, you can imagine how much the communal violence had infected the police also.

SG: That’s what Mr KPS Gill (brought in as security adviser to the CM after the riots) also said later because he was called in and he said the problem was police.

General Shah: What really disturbed me is that, when we were deployed, I visited some areas that had sent an SOS to me. They were surrounded by mobs. The buildings had been made into fortresses. And police, instead of firing at the mobs, were firing into the windows of the buildings.

I said, what are you doing? They said, we are keeping the mobs apart. I said, then fire the other way. Why are you firing into the windows? That really shamed them. But let me tell you that whenever…

SG: They were firing into the windows of Muslim homes?

General Shah: Minority homes. And that was the excuse that we are keeping.

SG: Keeping the mobs happy.

General Shah: Well, I don’t know what they were doing.

SG: To calm them.

General Shah: Whatever it was.

SG: It’s jiu jitsu of riot control.

General Shah: Well, I won’t say that. I think it was parochial.

SG: Parochial, yes. I am also being sarcastic. These days you have to be careful.

General Shah: I am very proud that the Army, we had given strict orders that the firing has to be below the belt.

SG: And as soon as you came out, it calmed down.

General Shah: Yes, we shot down a couple of arsonists.

SG: Just two

General Shah: Two killed, 18 wounded below the belt. Large numbers were carried away and we don’t know the exact number of casualties. I think they were much larger.

SG: Casualties in terms of injured, not dead. Dead were two.

General Shah: Yes. That sent the message that the Army means business.

SG: That’s my experience covering other riots, including the anti-Sikh, you can’t call them riots, but anti-Sikh killings in Delhi. And you found that the Army came in, everybody just went home.

General Shah: That’s right.

Also Read: When Gita Gopinath batted for a GST with few slabs & talked of hope in an ‘unliberal’ world.

Uniform concerns

SG: I don’t think the Army fired at anybody or the Army arrested anybody. Once people know there is a uniformed force that means business, people are cowards, mobs are cowards.

General Shah: Yes, but I have a point here. Earlier, the olive green uniform used to be feared and respected. Now, everybody is wearing combat dress.

SG: Every security guard.

General Shah: Everyone. Even the bank guards. This is something that the Army headquarters needs to seriously take up. There is no need for camouflaged uniform for police. They need to revert to their khaki uniform. And camouflaged dress should only be the preserve of the armed forces so that it has a shock effect.

SG: Has it become a problem now?

General Shah: It has become a problem. The Army has to carry placards (that read) ‘Army’.

SG: In a flag march?

General Shah: In a flag march. We are Army. It’s disgraceful. I think action needs to be taken.

SG: I also find that every state police with ministers, they have these policemen all wearing the badge, ‘commando’. I think commando is the most diminished description in the country.

General Shah: I agree. We have stopped using it. We are using (the term) special forces in the Army.

SG: For this work in Gujarat. at that point, when did you start reflecting on writing this book?

General Shah: Well, I have been making my notes for a very long time, because I have not only been a soldier, I have been a diplomat for three years in Saudi Arabia. I have been a judge in the armed forces tribunal. And I have been an academician for five years at Aligarh Muslim University.

SG: A difficult university?

General Shah: Very difficult. I had a lot of anecdotes to write. But I never got the time. Now, people are accusing me of timing it (the book) with the elections. I mean I got hate mail saying you have political ambitions. I replied back, saying I have got none. Then, why did you write it now (the person asked). Well I said this is one year I got free, so I wrote it.

Siding with the British

SG: So, you have seen the Army change from camels to fully mechanised.

General Shah: Yes, I have seen it from the Lawrence of Arabia times to modernisation.

SG: Two eras. And your family. Your great grandparents joined the British army from Afghanistan.

General Shah: No, we migrated from Afghanistan in 1843. Basically, because of the succour given by my grandfather to 200 British women and children who were escaping. He gave them sanctuary.

SG: After the great massacre?

General Shah: After the 1843 war. Because of that, he was sentenced to death by the king, who was a nephew, incidentally, by marriage.

SG: Whose nephew? His nephew?

General Shah: His nephew. My great great grandfather by marriage. So he was sentenced to death and my great great grandfather escaped with his complete kabila and he came to India. And the Brits never forgot that. He was given a huge jagir. So, when 1857 took place, he sided with the British just like the Sikhs, all the martial races.

SG: All the races which were then called martial races by the British.

General Shah: The British-called martial races sided with the British. My children were very perturbed when I wrote this and they read it. I explained to them that, in 1857, there were no national loyalties. There was no nation.

It was tribal loyalty. My great great grandfather felt that the interests of the family would be best served by the winning side or the side that had always sheltered us. So he went to the British and we established the bridgehead over the Hindon.

SG: Oh, I see, next door?

General Shah: The Hindon, to enable the British columns to cross.

‘Army wives make incredible sacrifice’

SG: You talked about your children. You have an illustrious family.

I have you on my phone, your son Major Ali Shah on my phone. Most people will not identify him unless I say so. He plays the Army officer in the film Haider; Army officer in real life and Army officer in reel life. And he is the one who raids the house (in the film) and says the “life of my jawans, my troops is much more important than that of anybody else”.

And then you also have a brother and a sister-in-law whose numbers I have on my phone.

General Shah: I’ll tell you. Since we are following the family tradition, so my son joined the army. My son-in-law is a commodore in the Navy. He is a pilot and another son-in-law is a doctor. And, of course, the youngest, a little spoilt by my wife, he is …

SG: Always blame the wife. Let more women officers come…

General Shah: If you read (my book), the first page is devoted to my wife because I think I owe (her) a sense of gratitude. Army wives have to bear a lot. I mean they spend half their lives separate. And, in those days, there were no mobiles, you got the benefit of two letters a week. They do a tremendous job in running the household. They make a great sacrifice and it’s incredible.

SG: And your brother, more badnaam than you?

General Shah: OK, I have lived under his shadow for a very long time.

SG: Naseeruddin Shah

General Shah: I think he is the best actor of the country.

SG: So is Ratna (Pathak Shah).

General Shah: Yes, both are great actors and a wonderful team. And he has been self-effacing.

SG: You turned out to be a completely different character from your brother.

General Shah: Yes, my father gave us freedom of choice. And my elder brother cracked the IIT without any coaching. I went to the NDA. And Nasser ran away. But he still made it good. What I am trying to stress is that this talk of discrimination exists but you can surmount it by a good education.

SG: I think, on that note, that’s a very good note to conclude, but let me ask you one trick question. This feeling that you mentioned now, has it become better or worse over time?

General Shah: Feeling of?

SG: Discrimination

General Shah: Well, there was never any feeling of discrimination. But seeing what is happening in the country, I mean gau rakshaks are running amok.

SG: I believe you wrote to the Prime Minister about it.

A salad bowl country

General Shah: I did. I wrote an open letter where I was very perturbed. And I pointed out to him that it takes three generations for people to forget. If a gau rakshak murders somebody, it will take three generations for the family to forget. If a house is burnt in a riot, it will take three generations. These things are hurting the country, the unity. We are a salad bowl country, we are not a melting pot.

SG: Don’t make everybody one. Don’t give everybody the same belief system. Don’t even try to do it in the Army?

General Shah: No, we don’t try that. I mean we have got military mosques where the commanding officer comes and reads the namaz. Not that he is praying but he is…

SG: Even if he is not Muslim.

General Shah: The majority are. I mean I, being a Muslim, commanded Rajput troops. They never had any problems when I officiated in what we call the mandir parade.

SG: Similarly, you have masjid parade.

General Shah: Masjid parade, it’s a parade. So, we don’t classify on religion or anything like that. We respect the religious sentiments of our men. And when we are with the men, the Army is our religion, plain and simple.

SG: So, you would want the country to go back to that period of easy co-existence insured of becoming self-conscious about identity.

General Shah: No, we must leave it all behind. We are one nation and we should be one unified people.

SG: Spoken like a true soldier and a truly patriotic Indian. Thank you.

NEW DELHI: Indian Army is now planning to procure Russia’s multi-purpose future ready combat vehicles (FRCV) T-14 Armata to replace its ageing T-72 main battle tanks (MBTs).

According to Sputniknews.com, the Indian Army hopes to buy 1,770 multi-purpose T-14 Armata FRCVs from Russia which is likely to cost USD 4.5 billion.

With the Army Chief General Bipin Rawat arriving in Russia for a six-day visit to the country on Monday, the spotlight is back on the deal to purchase T-14 Armata FRCVs.

The deal to buy T-14 Armata FRCVs, if negotiated properly and finalised in the later stages, is likely to further cement the strategic bilateral partnership between the two countries.

Shedding more light on Army Chief’s 6-day visit, Col Aman Anand, PRO Indian Army, said, ”General Bipin Rawat is visiting Russia from October 1-6 an official bilateral visit. During the visit, the Chief of the Army Staff-led delegation is scheduled to meet Senior Military hierarchy of Russian Armed Forces and visit Key Military formations and establishments.”

”General Bipin Rawat shall be visiting Mikhailovskaya Artillery Academy, Headquarters of Western Military District at St Petersburg and General Staff Academy and Headquarters of a Motorised Rifle Division at Moscow,” the statement said.

Interestingly, the Gen Rawat’s visit also coincides with a bilateral annual summit being organised on October 5 in New Delhi during which defence deals worth over USD 10 billion are likely to be signed.

The T-14 Armata FRCVs are likely to figure in the discussions as the Indian military delegation led by General Rawat meets the top brass of the Russian Armed Forces and key military formations and establishments.

The procurement process for FRCVs was initiated by the Indian Army in November 2017 as part of a plan to induct hundreds of armoured vehicles similar to the Russian T-14 Armata, Ukrainian Oplot, and South Korean K2 Black Panther main battle tanks.

According to the proposed procurement plan, the FRCVs will be manufactured in India by a private company in collaboration with the overseas original equipment manufacturer.

General Rawat is also likely to discuss the maintenance and life-cycle support of Russian-made military platforms in India.

The Indian Army has expressed hope that Gen Rawat’s Russia visit will take forward the military to military cooperation to the next level.

“The visit is yet another milestone in giving impetus to the strategic partnership between India and Russia and taking forward the military to military cooperation to the next level,” it said.

Tribune News Service

Dharamsala, October 2

The soldiers of the Thanpir Brigade from the Dharamsala region have proved their mettle in the skyrunning trail race held on the slopes of the Solang Valley, Manali, on September 30.

In a press release issued here on Tuesday, an Army spokesperson said the race had attracted many seasoned runners from all over the world. It was organised by ‘The Hell Race’ group. It included river and stream crossings, single tracks, jungle shepherd trails, pebbles, gravels and navigating through boulders.

A total of 260 runners participated in three categories of 10 km, 30 km and 60 km. The highest altitude of the race was at 3,350 m.

Troops of the Manani Battalion, Thanpir Brigade, DAH Division, laced up once again for the gruelling testing race.

Riflemen Parvesh Magar and Rajendra Nepali secured the first two spots on the podium in the 10-km competition smashing the previous year records.

Rifleman Rajkumar Sherma lit up the 30 km skyrunning competition surging ahead to claim gold and ran uncontested until the finish. Rifleman Durga Bahadur closed the podium securing bronze medal.

The 60-km race saw a stacked field with almost 120 professional runners. Rifleman Suman won laurels in 60-km challenge charging through the finish line at the 5th spot and Rifleman Sandeep Sunar secured the 7th spot.

The Army spokesperson said the race tested the limits of human endurance and the soldiers put up a splendid performance.

“This is the second consecutive spectacular performance this season by the mountain lads and determination displayed is not only commendable but also awe inspiring,” he added.

Vijay Mohan

Tribune News Service

Chandigarh, October 3

Modular combat kits to be introduced by the Army would make a soldier’s battle load lighter and allow them faster access to ammunition and other equipment in operational conditions.

“The present Improved Combat Kit (ICK) is of old pattern, cumbersome and has restricted operational utility. There is a need for holistic review of ICK towards making it operationally useful and in keeping with the modernisation needs,” a request for information issued by the Army this week states.

The ICK consists of waist belt, ammunition pouches, plastic water bottle, backpack and a larger haversack. These are to be replaced by kits (see box what these must comprise) that would be similar to the Modular Light Weight Load Carrying Equipment system used by several NATO armies. The existing waist belt, backpack and haversack are also to be replaced with modular equipment designed to be convenient to use and comfortable to carry.

It was only in 1980s that the Army introduced camouflage pattern combat dress on the field instead of regular olive drab. Till about the turn of the century, webbing equipment, combat kits and boots were of the World War-II vintage. Even clothing material is regular fabric instead of being breathable, flame-resistant or water-repellant.

ICKs are manufactured by the state-run Ordnance Factory Board (OFB). Since such items are scheduled to become “non-core items” for the OFB from 2012-22 fiscal under government’s scheme, the new kits would be sourced from the private industry. The kits, to be made from Cordura, a kind of heavy-duty fabric with high durability, would be flame-retardant, dust-resistant, in addition to having a breathable mesh lining.

What kits consist of

• Adjustable, comfortable ‘battle vest’ with integrated pouches, large-zippered pockets, pistol holster and two drop bags for additional equipment such as binoculars, medical pouch, etc
• Bulletproof plates may be inserted in front and rear of battle vest, a 2-3 litre flexible hydration bladder may be attached, enabling soldiers to drink water through a tube while on the go

Srinagar, October 30

The National Investigation Agency on Tuesday carried out raids at three residences of absconding businessman and Hizbul Mujahideen militant Nasir Safi Mir and his family at Lal Bazaar area here in connection with a terror funding case, officials said.

Mir, 48, is accused of funding Hurriyat leaders and believed to have fled the country after jumping bail, they said, adding that the raids were carried out nearly 10 months after the case was re-registered by the NIA.

Details of the raids were not immediately available as the NIA teams assisted by Jammu and Kashmir Police and para-military forces were in the process of collecting documents from the three places where the raids were conducted, they said.

The NIA probe is likely to ascertain how Mir alias Babul managed to secure a passport from a southern state which he allegedly used in Nepal to leave for Europe in October 2008.

A resident of north Kashmir, Mir allegedly used carpet trade and later a money exchange business in Dubai for sending hawala money to separatist leaders in Kashmir. He was arrested from Lajpat Nagar by the elite Special Cell of Delhi Police on February 3, 2006. The police had seized Rs 55 lakh in cash and explosives from him.

During his trial, Mir managed to secure bail on a plea that his mother was ill.

Mir, who the investigators believe was based in Dubai and owns a carpet showroom and money exchange firms in the gulf, regularly reported to the nearest police station while on bail till early October 2008.

But after that, he failed to turn up at police stations or in court for hearings.

According to intelligence inputs, Mir reached Dubai in 2011, making a detour through countries in Europe and Libya.

Mir, against whom a non-bailable warrant was issued in 2009, travelled to Nepal from India, and then used the forged passport to fly out, the officials said.

A resident of Lal Bazaar on the outskirts of Srinagar city, Mir dropped out of school in 1983 to get into the carpet business. He continued with the trade till 1990 after which he shifted to the national capital and started living in the Lajpat Nagar area of south Delhi.

In the late 1990s, he went to Dubai after his father was arrested for alleged links with militants.

Mir had also told investigators that in Delhi he first opened a firm, Kashmir Master Computers, after which he set up a company, Failala, but closed it in 1998.

In 1999, he started a firm called Idekas and then opened an information technology company, he had said.

Police found that in 2002, Mir had opened two money exchange companies, Reems Exchange and Cash Express, in Dubai, which were allegedly used as a stopover for money being pushed in from Pakistan for terrorist funding in Jammu and Kashmir.

The Enforcement Directorate (ED) had in 2014 attached Rs 55 lakh that had been seized from Mir.

He was subjected to extensive interrogation by central security agencies during which he allegedly spoke about his links with separatists groups and banned terror outfit Hizbul Mujahideen.

According to the ED attachment order, the cash which was in the custody of the Special Cell was “proceeds of crime of terrorist funding and money laundering and hence stands attached”.

This is the first major action against terror funding in the country under the stringent provisions of money laundering laws where the onus is on the accused to prove that he or she is “not guilty”.

The attachment of cash or properties under the Prevention of Money Laundering Act (PMLA) is aimed at depriving the accused of the benefits of the assets earned unlawfully. PTI

Army chief General Bipin Rawat said a mammoth drill is being undertaken to change the complexion and direction of the 1.2 million- strong force and transform it into a deadlier fighting machine fully prepared for future.

“Let me be clear that we cannot fight the next war like we fought our last,” said General Bipin Rawat in an exclusive interview, explaining the significance of the biggest exercise in independent India’s history to restructure the army and why it tops his priorities as army chief.

The mammoth drill, based on four comprehensive studies led by the army’s topmost generals, will change the complexion and direction of the 1.2 million- strong force and transform it into a deadlier fighting machine fully prepared for future wars, Rawat added.

So what’s on the menu?

The army chief said the implementation of the four studies in their totality would reduce troops (by about 100,000), allow the army to tap technological advances in warfare, create integrated brigades that can be mission-deployed swiftly, cut down the size of the army headquarters, improve the army’s tooth-to-tail ratio and enhance career prospects. “We have to change as the nature of warfare is changing. New structures have to be created incorporating modern technology. That’s the way forward. These changes, reforms, will not happen overnight, but they will happen,” said General Rawat, in his first public comments on the restructuring drive.

All four studies have reached the army chief’s desk in his South Block office and the first, Reorganisation of the Army Headquarters, will be sent to the defence ministry for approval soon and the restructuring could kick off early next year. The remaining three — Reorganisation and Rightsizing of the Indian Army, Cadre Review of Officers and Review of Terms of Engagement of Rank and File — will come up for government approval by the middle of 2019, Rawat said. The studies are being validated.

The army chief said he discussed the studies comprehensively with his seniormost commanders at the recently-concluded Army Commanders’ Conference and that everybody is on the same page.

He said a proposal in one of the studies to abolish the rank of brigadier to smoothen career progression did not find favour within the force; the one-star rank would stay, he added. “We are trying to figure out a formula that allows the brigadier’s rank to stay and still leaves room for improved career progression,” he said.

One of the proposals being considered is to promote colonels directly to the rank of major general and those approved for the two-star rank would first be assigned to command integrated brigades as brigadiers before they go on to command divisions as major generals.

“You can call these integrated brigades lighter divisions or heavier brigades,” he said.

The army could cut over one lakh troops over the next three to five years and some of them could be assigned new roles in domains such as cyber, information and psychological warfare, said Rawat.

“It will result in saving money that can be used for upgrading capabilities. A jawan costs the army Rs 6-8 lakh a year, compared to an officer who earns Rs 20-22 lakh annually. Simply put, cutting down four or five officers will help save a crore,” Rawat said.

“And if the army is saving that money, it should come back to it for taking up modernisation projects. We have limited resources. I will call it rightsizing the army to strengthen its capabilities,” Rawat said.

The troop reduction is likely to be achieved through restructuring different parts of the army, including directorates at the army HQs, logistics units, communications establishments, repair facilities and other administrative and support wings. The restructuring of the army seeks to streamline the procurement process too.

“That’s part of the army headquarters restructuring. And it is a very important facet of the restructuring that we are talking about. We are creating structures at the top levels that will help provide the right equipment to the right troops,” Rawat said.

“For example, if the army wants to buy rocket launchers (RL). It is basically an infantry weapon. That means the infantry should get top-of-the line RLs. But if an engineers’ unit wants RLs, that’s primarily for illumination and not for direct strike. So they can also be given a good RL but the infantry deserves the best because of the job it does. The same goes for assault rifles and other weapons,” he said.

Former army chief General Deepak Kapoor (retd) said several western armies had restructured their forces keeping emerging battlefield scenarios in mind and the Indian Army should also explore if such models could prove useful.

“Modern armies are doing away with large-sized formations as future wars will be fought differently. We are talking about space-age weapons, precision targeting, battlefield transparency and other critical dimensions of warfare. So we need to examine restructuring issues in detail,” said Kapoor, who was at the army’s helm during 2007-10.

Lieutenant General AB Shivane (retd), who was heading the army’s mechanised forces directorate until last December, said the restructuring exercise was a positive and relevant development but there are some caveats.

“There has to be absolute clarity about the outcomes, which have to be discernible and benchmarked with time. It must also relate to the overall national security strategy framework. And rightsizing must have a tri-service flavour,” said Shivane, who was involved in a study on rightsizing and rebalancing of the army in 2014-15.

The army’s restructuring was kicked off on a small scale last year.

In August 2017, the government announced that 57,000 soldiers would be redeployed in combat roles to sharpen the force’s fighting edge. This was done following the recommendations made by the Shekatkar committee on enhancing the army’s combat potential and trimming its revenue expenditure.

The committee also listed out measures to bring down the budget for meeting day-to-day expenses and making more money available for weapons and equipment.

The restructuring of the army headquarters will see the role of the Director General of Military Training being given to the Shimla-based Army Training Command and Director General of Rashtriya Rifles being moved to Jammu and Kashmir under the Udhampur-based Northern Command.

On October 13, the GCM pronounced its verdict and held seven persons guilty. Life imprisonment was awarded to Major-General AK Lal and six others

Ajay Banerjee in New Delhi

SOMETIME in the middle of July this year, the Army commenced General Court Martial (GCM) proceedings to try a major-general and six others for an alleged extra-judicial killing carried out in Tinsukia, Assam, in 1994. The case came to be known as the Dangari Fake Encounter.

Before the GCM was commenced, the Army sought permission to try these officers and men under the Army Act, 1950. This was allowed despite the CBI having already filed a chargesheet in the Guwahati High Court under an FIR (RC-4/S/2000-CAL) lodged by its Kolkata unit in 2000.

On October 13, within three months, the GCM pronounced its verdict and held seven persons guilty. Life imprisonment was awarded to Major-General AK Lal, Colonel Thomas Mathew and Colonel R S Sibiren and junior commissioned officers (JCOs) and non-commissioned officers (NCOs) Dilip Singh, Jagdeo Singh, Albindar Singh and Shivendar Singh.

Assam Chief Minister Sarbananda Sonowal, who had taken to the streets demanding justice almost quarter a century ago, welcomed the verdict saying, “It will give solace to the families of the victims…. The Army has worked in a fair manner and without any prejudice”.

The ‘limitation’ loophole

On the face of it, the verdict looks like speedy justice. Officers who have served in the Army’s Judge Advocate-General (JAG) branch are skeptical. They say the accused can use the ‘loophole’ created by the conduct of the GCM. They can easily cite ‘time limitation’ as applicable under Section 122 of the Army Act. A GCM cannot be conducted after three years of ‘the competent authority having acquired knowledge of occurrence of the event’. Since the CBI lodged the FIR in 2000 and filed a chargesheet, the facts would have been communicated to the Army.

Col NK Kohli (retd), who has served in the JAG branch, says: “Based on the facts that have come out in the media, the case pertains to 1994 while the CBI registered an FIR in 2000. The ‘time limitation’ — of three years — will start from the day the Army (the competent authority) acquired knowledge of the case. It’s beyond comprehension as how the Army had no knowledge of the case since 2000 when the CBI filed a charge sheet in the court”.

Another expert on legal matters of the Army, on condition of anonymity, cited the case of Colonel Rajvir Singh vs Ministry Of Defence. In his case, the Supreme Court said the Army Commander of Central Command knew of the case as on May 2007 and the GCM was convened in August 2010. The SC in 2012 said it was clearly beyond the period of three years, and hence barred in terms of Section 122.

“One feels sorry to see a trial on such serious charges being aborted on grounds of limitation but that is the mandate of the law,” the order said.

Insiders who understand the legal system say it would have been better to allow the Guwahati High Court to go ahead with the CBI charge sheet as it would not be barred by time-limitation.

The findings of the GCM will have to be confirmed by the Army’s higher authorities — the Eastern Command at Kolkata and the Army headquarters in Delhi. They can agree, partially agree, or even disagree on life imprisonment verdict. The accused can then file an appeal against the verdict in the Armed Forces Tribunal and follow that up with case in the Supreme Court.

What is the case?

Nine activists of the All-Assam Students’ Union (AASU) were picked up by 18 Punjab Regiment from different places in Doomdooma in Tinsukia from February 17 to 19, 1994. Five of the activists — Prabin Sonowal, Pradip Dutta, Debajit Biswas, Akhil Sonowal and Bhaben Moran — were allegedly gunned down near the Dangari river. The Guwahati High Court, which heard a habeas corpus plea, ordered the Army to produce the nine activists at the nearest police station. Statewide protests followed as five of the nine had died. At that time Sonowal, the now Assam Chief Minister, was president of the AASU. The matter was handed over to the CBI at the behest of the court.

Revisiting Army justice

A five-member committee of experts that had Lt-Gen Mukesh Sabharwal (retd), a former Adjutant General of the Army and Lt-Gen Richard Khare (retd), a former military secretary, suggested radical changes in a report in 2015. The committee was tasked by Defence Minister Manohar Parrikar to review “service and pension matters, including potential disputes, minimising litigation and strengthening institutional mechanisms related to redress of grievances.”

Citing the Army and Air Force Acts in 1950 and the Navy Act in 1957, the committee said, “These were enacted soon after Independence and reflected the mindset of a force of occupation. These were modelled on provisions of the Crown.”

“The independence of judiciary and separation of powers in the civilian set-up in letter and spirit, which, even as on date, remain a far call in the military”, it said adding, “We have ad hoc juries comprising non-judicial and non-legally trained members”. It was referring to how a GCM is conducted by a serving military officer, who may or may not have legal grounding.

The committee suggested provisions making military justice independent and totally insulated from influence of higher ups in the chain of command.